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3410) Glorification Of Armenian Terrorism, Once Again

Lisbon Operation Was A Blood Scattered For Justice: Estimates Brother Of Died Simon Yahniyan

GYUMRI, JULY 25, ARMENPRESS: In order to capture the world’s attention to Armenian genocide thirty years ago on July 27, 1983 five members of Armenian Revolutionary Army Vache Taghlyan, Sedrak Ajemyan, Simon Yahniyan, Ara Krjyan and Sargis Abrahamyan entered Turkish embassy in Lebanon. From the shot Turkish soldier 21 years old Simon Yahniyan was killed and the other four managed to enter the territory of the embassy and implement two blasts. Though many countries began speaking about genocide after this event but after several years many people still distort the details of martyrdom of Armenian young people. “Armenpress” spoke about the operation with the brother Simon Yahniyan Sareh Yahniyan who lives in Gyumri for already ten years.

*- Today you live in Gyumri though you were born in Beirut. Why you did you decide to move to Armenia?* . . .

- in 2003 I came to Armenia for the first time though since 3 years old Armenia is in my mind and heart. We accept Lebanon as a birthplace but Armenia is our motherland. In 1983 took place Lisbon operation headed by my brother. At that time I was 19 years old and Simon 21. It were the days of civil war in Lebanon. It was an operation without precedent: in peaceful conditions young people dedicated their life to their nation. Simon’s martyrdom was the reason that I came and stayed here and found the woman of my life. I named my son after Simon.

Simon dedicated himself to Armenia in his own way and I decided to dedicate myself to Armenia in my own way by coming staying here. Naturally I could not choose Simon’s way. It is not easy.

*- After 30 years what kind of estimation will you give to Lisbon operation?*

- Valuing that martyrdom after 30 years I think that something essential has not changed but as propaganda action is reached its aim: more than 20 countries recognized Armenian genocide after that operation. But I call it “Lisbon failed” operation. Unfortunately, it should waken also Armenians but it was not managed. I simply fell myself bad that up to now many people or do not know about this operation or have a wrong opinion. It is connected with ASALA. Many people call it terroristic act but it is not so. How can we call an operation a terroristic act when 5 young men killed themselves not demanding any other victims. Portuguese President Suarez a year later announced that he knew about fair demand of Armenians only after the operation. He did not call it as a terroristic act, but a blood scattered for fair case

*- What kind of remembrance events are planned this year?*

- In Lebanon as every year where the guys are buried will be held remembrance event. Events will be held also in many other countries. In Armenia it has never been celebrated officially but this year has been formed a committee which will be involved in it. I think the boys do not need to be glorified, simply the reality must be spoken about.

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Source

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On July 26, on the eve of the 30th anniversary of the Lisbon Five operation, hundreds marched in Lebanon in commemoration of the legacy of the five young Armenians who gave their lives for the Armenian cause.

A scene from the march in Lebanon

The march, as well as the dozens of commemoration events scheduled today around the world—including in Chicago and New York here on the East Coast—honored the memory of the Lisbon 5, and the legacy of struggle they inherited, embodied, and passed on.

There is a line that connects Lisbon Five to Tehlirian, to the commemoration of the Armenian genocide, the celebration of Armenia’s independence, and Artsakh’s freedom.

There is a part of Setrag, Vatche, Sarkis, Simon, and Ara beating under the chest of Armenians struggling anywhere around the world for freedom and justice—including, yes, social justice.

Three decades after the Lisbon Five operation, as the fronts, and the forms of struggle, have changed and multiplied, July 27 stands—first and foremost—as a day of celebrating the connection between the past and present, and between the different geographies and realities of our diasporic existence.

But most importantly, July 27 calls upon us to realize that our commitment to struggle ought to be beyond a particular day, beyond the ceremonious, the routine, and the pro-forma.

After all, there was nothing ceremonious and routine in their sacrifices.

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Source

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1980s-styled hysteria of the Dashnak newspaper "Asbarez"

EDITORIAL: Remembering the Heroes of Lisbon 5

It has been 30 years since that fateful day in July (27) of 1983 when five young Armenians set out to advance the Armenian Cause and through their ultimate sacrifice emboldened the entire Armenian Nation, but more important, elevated the demand for justice for the Armenian Genocide to new heights.

Vatche Daghlian. Sarkis Aprahamian. Ara Kerdjelian. Setrak Adjemian. Simon Yahneian. In an insta-second these five names were seared in our national psyche and consciousness and they became symbols of a national liberation struggle.

At the time, the international community had turned a deaf ear to the Armenian Cause. Many needed to be reminded of the atrocities of the Armenian Genocide and for many, it just did not matter. The world superpowers were courting Turkey and bolstering it into the whore that it has become. Matters needed to be handled differently—more forcefully.

Before Lisbon 5, there were others who advanced the Armenian Cause through the Armed Struggle of the 70’s and 80’s. Together these freedom fighters and the heroes of Lisbon elevated the just demands of the Armenian people and brought to the forefront the demands of an entire nation, which vowed for justice after reeling from the impact of the Genocide.

While we remember our heroes and reflect of their selfless act, we must, 30 years later, assess their legacy and recalibrate our efforts in the continuous pursuit of the Armenian Cause.

The dedication and sacrifice of the Lisbon 5 would come alive five years later on the battlefields of Artsakh when Armenians once again took up arms to defend the homeland against the blood-thirsty enemy.

The discussion and subsequent recognition by some countries of the Armenian Genocide can also be deemed as the direct result of the heroic acts of those who made the sacrifices so our national aspirations may advance.

It is undeniable that the events of 30 years ago and the selfless sacrifice by the Lisbon 5 instilled in us the drive to redouble our efforts to advance our cause and to sacrifice our time, resources and energy toward our goals and ideals.

The Lisbon 5 took ownership of the cause and by paying the ultimate price with their lives, proved to the Armenian Nation and the world that there is no limit on sacrifice when it comes to your beliefs and ideals—to liberating your Nation.

A generation later and in an evolving socio-political landscape with enormous challenges facing our nation, we need to recalibrate our approaches and apply the lessons of sacrifice embodied by the Lisbon 5 and ask ourselves—individually and collectively—whether we are doing our utmost for the advancement of the Armenian Cause.

The new generation, especially, must heed the call and embody the lessons of the Lisbon 5 legacy since it is they who will be leading our nation into the future. Their commitment, dedication and sacrifice will be the gauge by which our nation will advance.

“I will die without having seen the motherland. I don’t care. Others will see it…” So said Setrak Adjemian before he and his four friends headed to Lisbon in July of 1983. Others did…

8 Responses
bigmoustache says:
July 26, 2013
WOW great article. we need those young tashnags again for our struggles against turkey, azerbaijan and the corrupt Armenian government

Hratch says:
Let’s start with the corrupt Armenian government and then on to bigger things……

Robert says:
Not withstanding the deep held beliefs of the Lisbon 5 which one would hope were of pure intention, the idea of defending terrorism, is I think not ethical, nor smart. Lets not forget that the dead from that incident included a Turkish diplomat’s wife and a Portuguese policeman. To defend such actions and/or make heroes of it, is in my mind not very different than the Azeris making a hero of the axe-murder Ramil Safarov. Do we really want to be of the same mindset?

This of course is not to say that the Armenian Cause, Hye Tad, should not be advanced. On the contrary, we should look for constructive ways to do this, i.e. the recognition of the Armenian Genocide and ensuing reparations, and the building up of the Armenian nation economically, politically, militarily and otherwise. I don’t see how supporting terrorism in any way helps that effort.

Thinking back some 30 years ago, times have certainly changed for the Armenian people, that is a free Armenia and a liberated Artsakh (Karabakh). So I think it better not to judge the Lisbon 5 for their actions of a different time than today, either in a positive or negative light. Rather, it seems more fitting to consider how unfortunate that those young men of the Lisbon 5, that met their death some 30 years ago, were not able to see the dream of a free Armenia for themselves.

bigmoustache says:
July 28, 2013
were way past the opinions of others. the world did nothing while we were being massacred during Abdul hamids, talaats and ataturks reign. they did nothing when Azerbaijan tried to do the same in artsakh. your comparison is not right. this Turkish government is no different than the one that massacred our grandparents. they were never made to pay for their crimes or prevented from continuing their policies. its as if the Nazi regime was never toppled and brought to justice. if some jewish militant took matters into their own hands the world would understand that, and they have done that. mossad has killed Nazi war criminals in foreign countries before. the target of jcag/ara attacks were only Turkish diplomats, embassadors or military attaches, who are a representative of the same Turkish republic that tried to wipe out Armenia and who continue denying their atrocities thereby committing the final act of genocide. we never ever committed genocide, we fought in artsakh to prevent one. those boys sacrificed themselves for justice and to boost Armenian morale which was in a victims mindset for 100 years.

Alex Postallian says:
July 26, 2013
Don’t forget Calouste Sarkis Gulbenian,lived in Lisbon for years……..He did very much for the Armenians.He bribed the turks for 52%,of the Turkish petroleum co. bardered that,was nucleus of the oil companies in the world.He got 5% of all the oil out of Iraq.He was the richest man in the world..donating a lot of money to the Armenians.

Stephen T. Dulgarian says:
July 26, 2013
We will not forget the sacrifice of our brothers in arms of the Lisbon 5. The world powers never backed up the Armenian Nation after the 1st World War and because of that numerous Armenians have sacrificed their lives for their nation. God Bless the Lisbon 5.

GeorgeMardig says:
July 27, 2013
Whover denies the Armenian Genocide is a partner in the crime

Raffi Bairamian says:
July 27, 2013
God Bless Your Souls our beloved national heros.

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3409) Free E-Book: Turkey in Agony, 1913 by Pierre Loti

Turkey in Agony
Published for the Ottoman Committee,
London, by the AFRICAN TIMES AND ORIENT REVIEW, Ltd.,
158.FLEET STREET, LONDON, E.C. 1913

202 pages

THE OTTOMAN COMMITTEE.
President : The Right Hon. Lord Mowbray and Stourton. Hon. Sec. - - - Ellis Schaap. Assistant Hon. Sec. - Arthur J. Field. OBJECTS.
i. To resist encroachments upon the integrity of the Ottoman Empire.
2. To emphasize the strategical and commercial import ance of that integrity to the British Empire.
3. To maintain the friendship of Britain with the Ottoman Empire, and to promote a cordial understanding between Turks, Arabs and Britons. The Editor of the "African Times and Orient Review " having kindly given the use of his offices pro tem. to the Ottoman Committee, all communications are to be addressed to 158, Fleet Street, E.C. Due notice will be given of any change of offices.

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Direct Link: Turkey in Agony


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3408) Armenia’s Choice – Will It Be Russia Or The EU? And Why It Should Matter To The West

By Anna Borshchevskaya *

President Serzh Sargysan has been pursuing a multi-vector policy between Europe and Russia, but he will soon have to make a choice. Since the presidential elections in February 2013, internal pressure on the president has been mounting. The country’s economy is languishing. The government is corrupt and only pays lip service to democratic reform. Armenia needs to choose between Russia’s Customs Union and the EU’s Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area (DCFTA). The West also needs to act and pull Armenia into its orbit. Otherwise, Armenia’s dependence on Russia will continue to undermine Western security interests in the South Caucasus.


* Anna Borshchevskaya is a Fellow at the European Foundation for Democracy. She was an IREX Grant Recipient in
Armenia in December 2012.

Read The Full Document Below: . . .




Direct Link

Source: Turkish Policy Quarterly V.12 N.1 .

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3407) United States Supreme Court Lets Stand Decision Respecting Us Federal Policy Not To Characterize The Armenian Case As Genocide

Decision of the United States Supreme Court in Movsesian et al v. Victoria Versicherung et al is not to review the unanimous 11-0 en banc decision of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 9th Circuit, that invalidated a California law that characterized the Armenian tragedy of 1915 as genocide.



On February 23, 2012, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 9th Circuit unanimously held by a vote of 11-0 that a California law that was facially an insurance regulation had a more than incidental effect on U.S. foreign affairs. The court said that the statute,

"at its heart, intended to send a political message on an issue of foreign affairs by providing relief and a friendly forum to a perceived class of foreign victims."

Thus, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 9th Circuit found that the California law usurped the U.S. President's foreign policy making prerogative.



In January 2011, the Republic of Turkey, represented by the law firm, Saltzman & Evinch, filed an Amicus (Friends of the Court) brief at the 9th Circuit underscoring U.S.-Turkish foreign policy concerns on the matter.



Prior to making its decision on whether to take the appeal, the U.S. Supreme Court sought the views of the United States government. In response the U.S. Solicitor General, Donald Verilli, submitted a brief that urged the Supreme Court not to take the appeal. In agreement with the Ninth Circuit, Verilli wrote that the California legislature had

"attempted to ... create judicially enforceable rights based on politically charged events that occurred on foreign soil nearly a century ago."

This case has had a long and winding history. The invalid statute was passed in 2000, prompting several German insurance companies and their reinsurer to sue, attacking the constitutionality of the statue. When the statute was first challenged U.S. District Judge Christine Snyder ruled in favor of the Armenian plaintiffs on several counts in 2007. But the German insurance companies appealed to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 9th Circuit who, on August 20, 2009, reversed the District Court by a vote of 2-1 in favor of the insurance companies. However, On December 10, 2010, the panel, on motion from the plaintiffs, reversed itself, by a 2-1 vote. Apparently one judge had changed her vote at the urging of the dissenting judge. Then-ATAA President Gunay Evinch stated in the media,

"The behavior of the dissenting judge is not indicative of American justice; I am certain that the American judicial system will right this wrong."

The defendant insurance companies then asked that an expanded panel of judges representative of the full court review the self-reversal and settle the matter for once and for all, which it did. That decision now stands, and with the Supreme Court's denial of review, can no longer be appealed.

ATAA Trustee Evinch's law firm is currently defending the Turkish Central Bank and Turkish Ziraat Bank in Armenian reparations cases. Recently, the District Court in Los Angeles dismissed the cases. Plaintiffs Bakalian and Davoyan have appealed to the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals.

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Source: http://www.ataa.org
kindly received from Ms Oya Bain

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3406) Freedom For History? The Case Against Memory Laws

Josie Appleton talks to Pierre Nora and Olivier Salvatori of the Liberté pour l’Histoire initiative in France.

Liberty Leading the People. France embraces memory laws like no other country. The organisation Liberté Pour l’Histoire believes that 'liberty for history is liberty for all'. (Photo by Eugène Delacroix under a Creative Commons Licence)

Laws criminalising ‘genocide denial’ started to appear in Europe in the 1990s. Initially these addressed only the Holocaust, but later spread to cover denial of ‘crimes of Communism’, and state-recognised genocides such as the massacre of Armenians under the Ottoman Empire, or the Ukrainian famine of 1932-3. A 2008 EU Framework decision suggests that ‘publicly condoning, denying or grossly trivialising crimes of genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes’ should be punished with between one and three years’ imprisonment . . .

No country has taken to memory laws more than France, for whom the business of legislating on the past has been described as a national sport. It began with the 1990 Gayssot Act, which punished Holocaust denial with fines and imprisonment. A decade later legislation came thick and fast: a 2001 law recognised the Armenian genocide, while another law that year defined the slave trade and slavery as crimes against humanity. A 2005 law recognised the positive role played by French colonialism, with a provision prohibiting criticism of, or minimisation of crimes against, harkis (Algerians loyal to France). A 2006 bill attempted to punish denial of the Armenian genocide; though this failed to pass the issue resurged in 2011 with an Act that punished denial or minimisation of the genocide with a €45,000 fine and a year in jail.

Yet it is also in France that there has been the staunchest opposition to these laws from historians. The umbrella group Liberté pour l’Histoire formed in 2005, and over the past seven years has taken on memory laws with a vangardist temper not often seen from this traditionally demure profession. I met the head of the organisation, historian Pierre Nora, and the group’s secretary Olivier Salvatori, at the offices of Gallimard publishers in Paris where they work.

Liberté pour l’Histoire has long argued that such laws violate the French constitution and the founding principles of the modern state. Their 2008 petition, Appel de Blois, declared: ‘In a free state, no political authority has the right to define historical truth and to restrain the freedom of the historian with the threat of penal sanctions’. Nora tells me that ‘Memory laws are completely different to laws on defamation, which protect individual rights and can be derived from the constitution.’ Memory laws aim not to protect rights but to lay down historical truths, under threat of penal sanctions.

The implications for historical investigation are profound. ‘What if somebody writes a book saying that 10 million rather than 12 million Africans were taken by the slave trade – are they guilty of a crime?’, asks Nora. The state is ‘prescribing limits’ for historians, telling them ‘what they should research and what they should find’. The group launched a petition in 2005 in response to the prosecution of historian Olivier Pétré-Grenouilleau for ‘denial of a crime against humanity’, after he said in an interview that in his view the slave trade was ‘not a genocide’ since ‘it didn’t have the goal of exterminating a people’.

The last time European states prescribed historical truths under threat of penal sanction was under blasphemy and heresy laws. Yet contemporary memory laws are quite distinct from these old state-ordained truths. The striking feature of French memory laws is their lack of any overriding logic: one law is pro-colonialist, two are apologetic (though for events several centuries apart), and one (the Armenian genocide law) deals with an event that didn’t involve France at all and which many French people would not have heard of.

It’s not clear why a French president would be suddenly gripped with an urgent need to legislate on the 1915 massacre of Armenians, such that he would rush this law through –against opposition from his advisers – to be passed by an unprecedented hand-vote by a mere 50 deputies. ‘We don’t understand very well why they did it’, said Nora, ‘There are lots of hypotheses’. Some suggest that the drive could be geopolitical, putting off Turkey’s entrance to the European Union. A bigger factor is electoral: Armenians are an important voting bloc in key areas such as Marseille and Lyon, and it is no coincidence that the Armenian law initiatives appeared in election years. The 2011 law was adopted by the deputy for Marseille, who was also vice-president of the Armenia-France Friendship Group.

The precondition for memory laws is the moralisation of history – or more specifically, a shift from victory-history, whereby nations exaggerated their past heroics, to victim-history, where groups emphasise their past sufferings. The demand for recognition of historic suffering is implicitly a claim made through the state; it is ultimately a demand for compensation for wrongs suffered, whether in the form of monies or ideological protection.

Terms such as ‘genocide’ and ‘crimes against humanity’ are now part of the everyday business of political claims-making. ‘These terms were once very precise’, says Nora. ‘A crime against humanity was a legal term applied after the Second World War, which involved the legal duty to pursue and bring to justice the authors of the Holocaust until their deaths. Genocide meant the decision to destroy a part of a population for racist reasons’. Now events including civil wars and the slave trade can be described in these terms. In Nora’s view, ‘it is a judicial absurdity to say that an event such as the slave trade was a crime against humanity’. The authors of that crime are several centuries long gone, and their intention was not to destroy a population. The more that the word ‘genocide’ is used broadly for ideological reasons, the more it becomes ‘a word that historians try to avoid’.

Nora says that historians can cope with these cultural trends, so long as they are not embodied in laws – and consequently so long as historians are free to challenge or ignore this use of the past. It is memory laws that are the problem and need to be scrapped.

In this, Liberté pour l’Histoire has been remarkably successful. Though Salvatori tells me that the group is ‘not much of an “organisation”’ – there is no office or staff – they have made their voices heard throughout the media and at the highest echelons of state. ‘Our ideas have won the battle of pubic opinion’, judges Salvatori.

To all intents and purposes, the group has managed to render France’s memory laws null and void. A 2008 parliamentary enquiry – at which Liberté Pour l’Histoire gave the opening and closing testimonies – issued the resounding conclusion that government should refrain from legislating on history. Most importantly, the group achieved the suspension of the 2011 Armenian genocide law by the Constitutional Council, which found in a landmark decision on 28 February 2012 that the law was unconstitutional on the grounds of infringement on freedom of expression.

For now then, the threat of memory laws in France appears to have subsided. But the lesson of the past seven years is that the impulse to legislate on historical events reappears again and again, often without warning and in surprising guises. Quite soon after being elected last year, François Hollande expressed his desire to return to legislating on the Armenian issue. ‘Liberté Pour l’Histoire should remain vigilant’, the former justice minister Robert Badinter told the group’s general assembly: there could well be more memory laws. ‘We are not disbanding’, says Nora.

This informal network of historians has furnished Europe with an impressive case study of free speech campaigning. With the slogan ‘liberty for history is liberty for all’, they have defended not only the freedom of their profession but also the founding principles of the democratic state.

Josie Appleton is director of the civil liberties group the Manifesto Club. Speeches and articles about Liberté pour l’Histoire can be found on the group’s website. You can sign the 2008 Appel de Blois or subscribe as a member.

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Comments (2)
Antoon De Baets
April 28, 2013

THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN GENOCIDE AND CRIME AGAINST HUMANITY

I admire the work of Liberté pour l’Histoire and fully support its analysis and goals. According to Josie Appleton, however, Pierre Nora and Olivier Salvatori said the following:

Terms such as ‘genocide’ and ‘crimes against humanity’ are now part of the everyday business of political claims-making. ‘These terms were once very precise’, says Nora. ‘A crime against humanity was a legal term applied after the Second World War, which involved the legal duty to pursue and bring to justice the authors of the Holocaust until their deaths. Genocide meant the decision to destroy a part of a population for racist reasons’. Now events including civil wars and the slave trade can be described in these terms. In Nora’s view, ‘it is a judicial absurdity to say that an event such as the slave trade was a crime against humanity’. The authors of that crime are several centuries long gone, and their intention was not to destroy a population. The more that the word ‘genocide’ is used broadly for ideological reasons, the more it becomes ‘a word that historians try to avoid’.

In contrast to the remainder of the interview, this passage is full of confusion. A few clarifications, sentence by sentence.

** “These terms were once very precise.”

This is correct, but the terms are now more precise than in the past. For the first definitions of “crimes against humanity” and “war crimes,” see articles 6b and 6c of the Charter of the International Military Tribunal (IMT) at Nuremberg (1945); for the first definition of “genocide,” see article 2 of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (1948). For presently internationally accepted definitions, see International Criminal Court (ICC), Statute (1998), article 6 for genocide (which definition is identical to article 2 of the Genocide Convention), article 7 for crimes against humanity (which definition is a complete redrafting of IMT text), and article 8 for war crimes (which definition is based on 1949 Geneva Conventions and 1977 Additional Protocols). In general, the passage confuses genocide and crime against humanity: every genocide is a crime against humanity, but not every crime against humanity is a genocide.

** “A crime against humanity was a legal term applied after the Second World War, which involved the legal duty to pursue and bring to justice the authors of the Holocaust until their deaths.”

This is correct: the perpetrators of the Holocaust were tried for crimes against humanity and war crimes under the IMT Charter. But the Charter definition of crime against humanity is not “the legal duty to pursue and bring to justice the authors of the Holocaust until their deaths”; it is “murder, extermination, enslavement, deportation, and other inhumane acts committed against any civilian population, before or during the war; or persecutions on political, racial or religious grounds in execution of or in connection with any crime within the jurisdiction of the Tribunal, whether or not in violation of the domestic law of the country where perpetrated.” At Nuremberg, the perpetrators of the Holocaust were not tried for genocide because the IMT Charter did not yet contain the genocide category. The United Nations General Assembly first affirmed that genocide was a crime under international law in Resolution 96 (I) (“The Crime of Genocide”) (11 December 1946). Genocide was a crime that only came into legal existence with the adoption of the Genocide Convention in 1948 and the latter’s entry into force in 1951. The Holocaust of 1939-1945 has officially been called a genocide since the adoption of the Genocide Convention. Nobody can protest in earnest against this case of retroactive labeling because the Genocide Convention was drafted precisely with the Nazi atrocities in the minds of the drafters. And many other crimes in history conform to the official genocide convention.

** “Genocide meant the decision to destroy a part of a population for racist reasons.”

This is not accurate: the genocide definition speaks of an intent to destroy in whole or in part; and the groups mentioned in the genocide definition do not only include racial groups, but also ethnic, national and religious groups.

** “Now events including civil wars and the slave trade can be described in these terms.”

(1) A civil war cannot be described as a genocide, a crime against humanity or a war crime. A civil war is the context in which such crimes may occur. In its 1977 Additional Protocols, the International Committee of the Red Cross was the first to distinguish the context of international war from the context of a “war not of an international character”. Such a distinction was urgently needed because by only covering gross crimes committed in international wars, a huge percentage of all gross crimes stayed in the dark. The distinction international / internal is also adopted by the ICC, but only for its definition of war crimes.

(2) For the slave trade, see my next point.

** “It is a judicial absurdity to say that an event such as the slave trade was a crime against humanity”.

This is not accurate: the slave trade is a crime against humanity but it is not a genocide. The ICC Statute determines that enslavement (a summary name for slavery and slave trade) was a subcategory of “crimes against humanity.” The Declaration of the 2001 World Conference against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance reiterated this view. Some define slavery inaccurately as a genocide or a “Black Holocaust,” but the slave traders’ intent was not to destroy the slaves but to exploit them as cheap labor. This was the view correctly held by Olivier Pétré-Grenouilleau (and correctly rendered earlier in this interview, but not in the passage I discuss here).

** “The more that the word ‘genocide’ is used broadly for ideological reasons, the more it becomes ‘a word that historians try to avoid’.

It is correct that the word “genocide” is often abused (as in the example of the Black Holocaust above). Avoidance by historians of the term for that reason, however, is a weak offer. Some crimes are genocides, others are not. The use of recent concepts is not necessarily anachronistic and often plainly better than the use of concepts en vogue at the material time of the crime. (Space lacks to develop this important point here). We already saw above that retroactive labeling can be fully justified. In fact, historians do little else than retroactively labeling of historical events. To be sure, scholars and others retain the right not to adopt labels defined under international law for historical practices. They should, however, explain why their alternative label or definition is superior. I find such explanations, if they are given at all, seldom convincing. In cases of recent historical injustice, it is not recommended to define the nature of a given crime differently from international courts with their elevated standards of evidence and huge research departments. In cases of remote historical injustice, the use of either historical or recent concepts has to be painstakingly justified.

I elaborated these points at length in my “Historical Imprescriptibility,” Storia della Storiografia (September 2011) and “Conceptualising Historical Crimes,” Historein, no. 11 (2012).

Antoon De Baets
imos.org.uk
May 10, 2013

It is, of course, deeply ironic that governments, in order to appear to be anti-fascist, resort to exactly the sort of anti-free-speech methods that might have been recommended by Goebbels himself.

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Source

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Reply Comment:
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1- If commentators would read 60th-anniversary-of-genocide there should be no more argument as regards "what qualifies as crime of humanity or genocide" and most important of all, "who is the authority to decide" on the charge? At the present this is the United Nations and all claims must go to the special rapporteur appointed under General Secretary in 2004.

2- The equivalent of United Nations, before it was founded after WW-II was "League of Nations". Now, let us see what did the League of Nations say about the "genocide allegation": a- “League of Nations” - Important Documents “University of Bradford” Armenia and the League of Nations

Documents from the United Nations Library, Geneva; League of Nations Archives Collections Posting # 3293

Copy of “Note Verbal” by Secretary-General Sir Eric Drummond, dated March 1st, 1920.

Page 2: “Further, in Turkey, minorities were often oppressed and massacres carried out by irregular bands who were entirely outside the control of the central Turkish Government."

b- if-armenians-fight-with-us-against the Turks . .



CONCLUSION: What is the argument? Aren't above documents by highest authorities clear and loud enough?

I compliment and appreciate "Liberté pour Histoire"...But I think we have more than enough "Verite de la Histoire"

which some people do not want to see or like to admit. They neither apply to the available authority!

Regards

S.S. Aya .

Read More

3405) My Soul Dear Agop, . .

After serving the University of Istanbul, Cerrahpasha Faculty of Medicine for 41 years, Prof. Dr. Agop Koto?yan, otherwise also known as “ the famous dermatologist Agop without the arm “, has retired in last November. As luck would have it, he –the Agop Hodja – was born in the Delivery Room of the same Cerrahpasha Hospital 66 years ago. The hospital was 15 minutes away from his home by walk.

Preferring the official name of “ Kocamustafapasha” to the name Samatya,widely used by the people, he used to quip and boast; “ I am with pasha by birth..”. ‘Agop Hodja’, as he is called by his friends and colleagues, was respectfully sent away to his new life style by his devouted patients, students some of whom are now well respected scientists and colleagues from the hospital where he worked tirelessly and cared for countless amount of patients for four decades, after a . . .
solemn farewell ceremony.

In fact, what has retired was the symbol of determination, a personality who missed death by so little yet decided to strongly continue living miraculously. Having reached his highest professional achievements 30 years ago like heroes in epic tales, Agop Hodja shunned the limelight, stayed away from magazine journalists saying that it would be ‘advertisement’ of doctors themselves to take on the stage unless it was for presenting a scientific and medical discovery. It was very difficult to interview this humble yet very successful doctor who has set up the first clinic and laboratory in Turkey for study of sexually communicable diseases, who has become leading scientist in several medical specialties, and who has shown the way by his several discoveries in the medical sciences.

His life story could have started like a beginning of an epic story. But, in order not to lose sight of several drastic events in his life, we decided to chronologize the real events in his life.

There was once a little boy, named Kirkor, born in the Village of Terzili, in the borough of Akda? Madeni of the City of Yozgat in Turkey, of a poor family. He was Agop’s father.

Kirkor Koto?yan, born in 1911, lost his father at the age of 4 during the infamous internal strife and fighting of 1915. His mother saved him from death wielded by the bandits who massecred every man in his village, by hiding him in the caves of the village. They have sheltered to their neighbors who cared for and supported them after the departure of the bandits. Only after the peace and quiet have arrived, they were able to return to their own village.

Kirkor Bey, the father, married to a young woman, Makruhi Han?m, from the Village of ??dere of Yozgat, when he was 25 years old. The family moved to Istanbul in 1938 and settled in the borough of Samatya. A year later, the first son of the family, Agop, was born in the same hospital, Cerrahpasha Hospital of the Istanbul University, Faculty of Medicine, where he would later serve for years.

Kirkor Bey, his father, used to work in construction sites while his mother worked in the nearby factory. Poor but content, the family registered thir son at the Sahakyan Armenian Elemantary School in Samatya. His father bought him a brand new jacket to wear with first year of his schooling. One day, after swimming in the sea near Samatya, Agop notices that his new jacket was no longer where he left it at the beach, having being stolen by thieves. In addition to having lost his jaclet, he was admonished by his poor mother who could not readily afford another jacket for him for the next three years. Nowadays, agreeing with his mother, Agop remembers resolutely “ we were poor, we received bread with the subsistence help of the government and did not taste sugar or meat for months”.

The little Agop started to work at the young age while at the elementary school like some of his friends. He was working at a silversmith’s workshop when he finished the elementary school. While working there one hot summer day, he let his sleeve and thus his right arm caught in the press, destroying his total arm up his shoulder. Although the doctors in the hospital concluded that the kid, with this kind of injury at this young age would not survive, after remaining in coma for several days, he opened his eyes to the world again, in the Cerrahpasha Hospital where he would serve the other patients for decades.

He recovered fast that summer but was heart-broken each time his friends and others looked at him with pity which he couldn’t take. Although registered to the school for the upcoming semester, he did not attend the school but steadily and consistently studied on his own outside the school with hekp of the books he bought himself. After spending a year at home studying and thinking at the same time that he must educate himself at any cost and decided to go back to the Bezciyan Middleschool at Kumkapi District of Istanbul.

He continued to work during summer periods and weekends while attending his formal school years. He sold things at the streets, he worked in clothing manufacturing plants in order to help with the househould expenses of his family, never forgetting to give spending money to his sisters, Hripsima and Maryam.

While successful at the Middleschool, he actually topped his performance at the Galata Gestronogan Highschool. First in his class every year, he brought home Certificates of Appreciation and awards every year. He was also interestd in soccer, particularly a fervent admirer of the famous Fenerbahce Club for the last 26 years. Also interested in basketball but unable to play due to his only one arm, he devoted himself with a great energy and stubborness to the game of soccer at the highschool age and moved up successfully to the ranks of the local Samatya Genclik Klubü.

Whe he succesfully entered in 1957 the Faculty of Medicine of the Istanbul University, he found himself at the same hospital where he recovered from a near-death condition after the press accident when he lost his arm. As he entered thr doors of this faithful hospital, he couldn’t help remembering and murmuring to himself “ You saved my life one day old sport…. Now it is my turn to pay back…”. While teaching the highschool kids for pocket money during his medical school years, he did not not neglect play soccer with the team of the Cerrahpasha Hospital.

Again, he finished in 1963 the Faculty of Medicine with honors. He worked for year as an intern at the Capa Hospital Dermatology and Communicable Diseases Department. The following year, he accepted a Teaching Assistant position with the same hospital. His master’s thesis in the Dermatogy Department was called “ Clinical and Biochemical Research on Impetigo Herpetiformis Cases “.

In 1967, he became the Chief Research and Teaching Assistant of the Cerrahpasha Faculty of Medicine before he was sent to Germany in October 1969 by the Faculty to further study in his field. After learning German Language in four months good enough to study, he was assigned to work with famous Prof. Dr. Nödl in the Department of Dermatology of the Saar University of Hamburg. He also studied for short periods in the same university Departments of Allergy and Histology. His stay and studies in this university was extended one more year free of charge by the Trustees of the University due to his great success at his work.

Before he lost his right arm in the accident in 1952, like everyone else, Dr. Koto?yan used to use his right hand. After the accident, he worked very hard to learn to use his left hand and arm. He particularly suffered the most during his college years. He had worked very hard to learn to use his left hand and arm at the Faculty of Medicine for being able to draw fluid into his injection needle, use the needle with hand to make an injection to a patient. He injected water into oranges at home to improve his ability in this area, sometimes sleeping at the labs while working at it. In order to improve his ability to suture a wound, he practiced at home mending all the old clothing where there was torn or separate edges. In two years, without any help from others, he recovered from the loss of his right arm, acting like a normal doctor with no impairment.

One year after his return from Germany in 1972 to the Cerrahpasha Hospital, he successfully moved up to the Assistant Professor position. He became a full professor in 1979 by presenting his thesis titled “ Immunological Studies of the Acne Vulgaris Cases “. Beyond German language, he learned on his own English and French and became famous all over the world by giving lectures, speaking at the medical conferences outside Turkey. He authored two books and wrote professional articles totalling more than 300 in foreign press.

In 1975, he married Suzan Han?m. During his final talk at the retirement ceremony given to his honor on November 21, 2004, he said the following : “ I am not thanking two persons…one of them is my mom who brought to me to the beginning of this road; the other is my wife Suzan who elevated me to this position in my professional life. It is not that I am not thanking them, it is just that I am unable to thank them… Simply because, I already owe them everything. “

THIS IS CALLED ‘ LOVE OF THE COUNTRY ‘ He has received offers to join from very reputable universities in the world, such as United States, Germany, France and Canada. They offered him to stay and chair his own department. Refusing the all, he famously relied laughingly to statements like “ You lost your grandfather because he was an Armenian, you lost your arm because you were poor; then, why do you stay in this country ? “ What did he think for all these accusations ?... “ Yes, it is true that I suffered a lot in my country. I lived in lowest levels of impoverishment…True; lost my grandfather, my childhood and my arm nut not my ‘path’… I never thought for a minute that I am any different from anyone of the millions living in this country… I accepted and assumed as my brother all the people living on this land .. To love a country is not just love the good and bad days you experience in this country. Love of a country is to remain with the country in the good and bad days, to remain here at the homeland with everyone else… There is a proverb here in this country; “ ..an empty wheat spike stands upright but the one with wheat remains inclined..” I have always remained ‘inclined’ in this world, I never liked self-aggrandizement and pride, never stood up with false pride and empty self-imposed recognition, never said ‘I know everything’, I only held tightly the rope of knowledge and science. I did not leave my job and my responsibilities to luck and chance. Because, I worked very hard, never left a blank spot or unverified gap of knowledge. “

This extraordinary doctor further said while bidding goodbye in his retirement ceremony : “ My duties in this wonderful teaching instution is actually ending after spending 32 years in teaching out of the 41 years 3 months association with it. It is difficult to express the feelings I now have. One meets the first time a blank feeling and space in heart and mind when the time comes to say goodbye. One realizes something one never experienced before within the busy days of life. Agop the lovely baby lamb of his mother, Agop the silversmith, Agop the soccer player, Agop the student in Germany, Agop the profesor, assistant and the teacher teaching the highschool students for pocket money…They all have come together now, asking smartly ‘ What will happen now…? ’ “. Continuing his speech, he finally said: “ Hey… all these identifications I counted just now…If you would not feel shamed, you would declare me ‘dead’, but I am here now, elder than all of you, saying I am not dead…until I am dead.”. Everyone in the auditorium stood up, cheering and clapping.

Agop Bey is still continuing to work as a doctor in a private clinic of his own designed by his architect son, still humble and determined helping his patients in Istanbul.

His mother, Makruhi Han?m, 87, was unable to come to her son’s retirement ceremony due to an illness. Instead, his sister, Hripsime Koto?yan, the famous mathematician to whom Agop used to give pocket money, came to the pulpit. She read the letter from their mother who couldn’t come :

“ My Soul Dear Agop, Neither your father nor myself knew how to write and read. You went to school, educated yourself. You worked very hard and always studied, my dear…We were poor and were unable to make any monetary contributions for your journey which took you where you are today. Look here; I am declaring right now in front of everyone…Son; we coul not help you as required and we felt so sorry for that. Your father, who tried very hard to conceal his feelings felt very sad about it, also. Yet, you made us proud….Won every difficulty you faced….God, who helps the poor birds to fly, gave you wings to fly when you exhibited your desire to fly…My dear soul Agop; you worked very hard and now you are tired. I would say “ Rest a little now…” but I know you would not listen… I am now a little sick but you know that I am right there next to you…You should also know that your loving little mother is so proud of you… And, your father, looking down at you from Heaven, smilingly… My dear soul, my son, I kiss your dark eyes…”

Kindly Translated By Sadi Dinlenc

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Source in Turkish:

Cildiyeci Kolsuz Agop

Prof. Dr. Agop Kotoğyan yani meşhur ‘Cildiyeci Kolsuz Agop’, 41 yıl hizmet verdiği İstanbul Üniversitesi Cerrahpaşa Tıp Fakültesi’nden geçtiğimiz kasım ayında emekli oldu. Tesadüf bu ya Agop Hoca, bundan tam 66 yıl önce Cerrahpaşa’nın doğum kliniğinde dünyaya gelmişti. Hastane, evlerine 15 dakika yürüyüş mesafesindeydi.
Doğduğu Samatya semtini diğer adı Kocamustafapaşa’yla seven Kotoğyan, ‘Doğma büyüme Paşalıyım’ diye övünüyor. Agop Hoca, yıllarca hasta baktığı, laboratuvarında göz nuru döktüğü, kimileri şimdi namlı birer profesör olan öğrencileri, vefalı hastaları ve mesai arkadaşlarının katıldığı törenle uğurlandı.

Veda eden aslında azmin, direncin, ölümlerin eşiğinden dönüp hayata sıkı sıkı sarılmanın simgesi, yaşayan bir efsaneydi. 30 yıl önce mesleğinin zirvesine oturmuş, masal kahramanına dönüşmüştü. Hayatının içine girmek zordu. Çünkü gazetecilerden uzak duruyor, doktorların artist olmadığını, bilimsel tebliğler dışında dışarıya seslenmenin reklam olabileceğini savunuyordu. Türkiye’de, cinsel yolla bulaşan hastalıklar kürsüsünü ilk kuran, çeşitli bilim dallarında bölüm başkanlığı yapan, yeni buluşlarla çığır açmış bu doktoru albüm sayfalarımıza alabilmek için günlerce uğraştık. Sonunda hatırını kıramayacağı dostlar araya girdi, bize hayatının kapılarını araladı. İşte gördüklerimiz.

Aslında bu albüm şöyle başlayabilirdi: ‘Bir varmış, bir yokmuş. Evvel zaman içinde, kalbur saman içinde Yozgat’ın Akdağ Madeni İlçesi’nin Terzili Köyü’nde Kirkor adında bir çocuk varmış. Küçük Kirkor, kendi halinde yaşayıp giden yoksul bir ailenin çocuğuymuş.’ Ama masalsı hayatın içinde gerçeği kaybetmemek için kronolojik sırayla anlatmayı doğru bulduk.

Agop’un babası Kirkor Kotoğyan, 1911 doğumlu. 1915 yılında, yani Anadolu’daki o büyük kaos döneminde henüz dört yaşındayken babasını kaybetmiş. Köyünü basan çeteler köydeki tüm erkekleri öldürmüş. Küçük Kirkor’u annesi, onu madendeki mağaralara kaçırarak kurtarabilmiş. Sonra da bir yakınlarının yanına sığınmışlar. Olaylar yatışıp saldırılar durunca yanmış, yıkılmış, talan edilmiş köylerine dönebilmişler.

Kirkor Bey, 25 yaşındayken Yozgat’ın İğdere Köyü’nde yaşayan Makruhi Hanım’la evlenmiş. Aile 1938’de İstanbul’a gelmiş ve Samatya’ya yerleşmiş. Bir yıl sonra da ilk çocukları Agop, İstanbul Üniversitesi Tıp Fakültesi’nin Cerrahpaşa’daki hastanesinde doğmuş. Dünyaya gözlerini açtığı, ilk görüntüleri, ilk sesleri duyduğu bu hastane ile ömür boyu sürecek kader birliği de böylece başlamış.

Babası Kirkor Bey, inşaatlarda kalfa olarak çalışır, annesi de Samatya yakınlarında bir fabrikada işçilik yaparmış.

KOLUNU PRES KAPTI

Çok yoksullarmış. Küçük Agop, Samatya Sahakyan Ermeni İlkokulu’na başladığı yıl, babası ona bir ceket almış. Bir bahar günü arkadaşlarıyla Samatya sahilinden denize girip çıkmış ve bir bakmış ki ceketin yerinde yeller esiyor. Anasından bir ton dayak yediği gibi tam üç yıl boyunca da ceketsiz kalmış. ‘Bana yeni bir ceket almaları mümkün değildi. Ekmeği karneyle alıyor, aylarca et ve şeker yüzü görmüyorduk’ diye annesinin köteğine hak veriyor şimdi.

Küçük Agop, daha ilkokuldayken işe başlamış. Mezun olduğu yıl bir gümüş atölyesinde çalışıyormuş. Sıcak, çok sıcak bir yaz günü, gümüş kalıpları plaka haline getirmek için kullanılan presin silindiri iş önlüğünün kolunu kapmış. Sonra da elinin tamamı omuzuna kadar presin altında un ufak olmuş. Hastaneye vardığında doktorlar, ‘Bu çocuk yaşamaz’ demiş. Ameliyat olmuş, günlerce komada kalmış ve bir gün gözlerini açıp hayata yeniden merhaba demiş. Kaderin cilvesi bu ya, yine Cerrahpaşa Hastanesi’ndeymiş.

O yaz sonunda kendisini tamamen toparlamış ama çevresindekilerin acıyarak bakması kalbini çok kırıyormuş. Bu yüzden kayıt yaptırdığı halde okula gitmeyeceğini söylemiş babasına. Okula gitmemiş ama aldığı ders kitaplarını her gün muntazaman okuyarak kendine göre bir tedrisat yapmış. Okulsuz geçen bu yıl boyunca hep düşünmüş. O küçük ve artık tek kollu bedeniyle bir meslek sahibi olamayacağına karar vermiş. ‘Okumalıyım, her ne pahasına olursa olsun okumalıyım’ demiş. Ve dönem başlayınca Kumkapı Bezciyan Ortaokulu’nda eğitime geri dönmüş.

Bütün okul hayatı boyunca, yazları ve hafta sonları çalışmaya devam etmiş. Tahtakale’de işportacılık yapmış. Konfeksiyon atölyelerinde ilik makinelerinde çalışmış. Eve katkı olsun diye çalışırken çok sevdiği kız kardeşleri Hripsima ve Maryam’a da küçük hediyeler almayı ihmal etmezmiş.

FUTBOL YILLARI

Ortaokulda başarılı olmuş ama esas zirveyi Galata Getronogan Lisesi’nde yapmış. Her yıl okul birincisi olmuş, takdirlerle dönmüş evine. Agop Bey, hasta Fenerbahçeli. Tam 26 yıldır Fenerbahçe Kulübü üyesi. Basketbolu çok seviyormuş. Ama tek kollu olduğu için oynayamamış. ‘Ben de sahada top koştururum’ demiş ve lisede futbola başlamış. Oynayamazsın demişler, aldırmamış. Çok da güzel oynamış. Ve hatta, o devrin ünlü takımı Samatya Gençler Kulübü’nün kadrosuna girmeyi başarmış.

1957’de İstanbul Üniversitesi Tıp Fakültesi’ni kazanınca doğduğu, yeniden hayata döndüğü Cerrahpaşa Hastanesi’nde bulmuş kendini. Kapısından içeri girdiği ilk gün ‘Bir zamanlar beni kurtardı bu hastane, şimdi nöbet sırası bende’ diye düşünmüş. Bu dönemde lise öğrencilerine özel dersler vererek okul parasını kazanmaya devam etmiş. Ayrıca, Cerrahpaşa’nın futbol takımında oynamayı da ihmal etmemiş.

1963’te okul birincisi olarak doktorluk diplomasını almış. Bir yıl Çapa’nın Deri ve Frengi Hastalıkları Kliniği’nde çalışmış. 1964’te Cerrahpaşa’daki Dermatoloji Kürsüsü’nde asistan olarak göreve başlamış. Uzmanlık tezinin başlığı, ‘İmpetigo Herpetiformis Vak’aları Üzerinde Klinik ve Biyoşimik Araştırmalar.’ Ben başlığından bir şey anlamadım, Agop Hoca açıkladı: ‘Uçukla ilgili çok önemli bir çalışmaydı.’

1967’de uzman olmuş. Cerrahpaşa Tıp Fakültesi’nde başasistan olarak çalışırken üniversite tarafından Ekim 1969’da Almanya’ya gönderilmiş. Dört ayda Almanca’yı öğrenmiş. Hamburg Saar Üniversitesi Dermatoloji Kliniği’nde ünlü dermatolog Prof. Dr. Nödl’ün yanında çalışmaya başlamış. Ayrıca aynı üniversitenin alerji ve histoloji bölümlerinde çalışmış. Kliniklerde gösterdiği başarıdan dolayı, Alman Üniversite Kurulu’nun talebiyle okulda kalma süresi bir yıl daha uzatılmış.

Dr. Kotoğyan, 1952’de geçirdiği kazadan önce çoğu kişi gibi sağ elini kullanırmış. Onu kaybedince sol eliyle iş görebilmek için çok çalışmış. En büyük zorluğu da üniversitedeyken çekmiş. Tek eliyle tüplerden şırıngaya ilaç çekmeyi, bu ilacı hastaya enjekte etmeyi öğrenmek için geceleri hastanede nöbete kalmış, evde portakallara su şırınga edermiş. Dikiş atmayı öğrenmek için ise, evde ne kadar sökük ve yırtık varsa dikermiş. İki yıl içinde tüm bu işleri kimseden yardım almadan tek başına yapıyor hale gelmiş.

1972’de Cerrahpaşa Tıp Fakültesi’ne geri döndükten bir yıl sonra doçentlik sınavını başarıyla vermiş. 1979’da ise, ‘Akne Vulgaris Vak’alarında İmmunolojik Araştırmalar’ başlıklı teziyle profesör kadrosuna atanmış. Almanca’dan sonra yine kendi çabasıyla, Fransızca ve İngilizce öğrenmiş. Dünyanın birçok ülkesinde dersler, konferanslar vermiş, nam salmış. Özellikle son iki yılda dışarıdan gelen hasta sayısında büyük bir artış olmuş. Uluslararası tıp dergilerinde yayımlanan makalelerinin sayısı 300’ü aşmış, cilt hastalıkları üzerine iki kitap yazmış.

Suzan Hanım’la 1975’te evlenmiş. Üniversiteden emekli olduğu 21 Kasım 2004 günü yaptığı konuşmada ‘İki kişiye teşekkür etmiyorum: Biri beni bu yolun başına kadar getiren anam, diğeri beni şu kürsüye kadar çıkaran eşim Suzan. Teşekkür etmiyorum değil, aslında edemiyorum. Çünkü onlara her şeyimi borçluyum’ demişti.

YURT SEVGİSİ BUDUR

Birçok ülkenin üniversitesinden teklif almış: Almanya, Fransa, Kanada, Amerika... ‘Burada kal, kürsünün başına geç’ demişler. O, bunların hepsini elinin tersiyle geri çevirmiş. ‘Ermeni olduğun için dedeni, fukara olduğun için kolunu kaybettiğin o ülkede ne işin var’ demişler, gülmüş geçmiş. Peki ne düşünmüş? ‘Evet doğrudur: Ülkemde çok acı çektim. Sefaletin dibinde yaşadım. Doğrudur: Dedemi, çocukluğumu, kolumu kaybettim. Ama yolumu kaybetmedim. Bu ülkede yaşayan milyonlarca insandan hiçbir zaman farklı olmadığımı düşündüm. Bu topraklarda yaşayan tüm insanları kardeşim olarak benimsedim. Bir ülkeyi sevmek demek, bu topraklarda geçirdiğin güzel ve iyi günleri sevmek demek değildir. İyi günde ve kötü günde burada olmak, vatanın yanında kalmak demektir yurt sevgisi. Boş başak dik, dolu başak ise eğiktir, derler. Ben hep eğik gezdim şu dünyada. Kibirden nefret ettim. Boş başaklar gibi diklenmedim, caka satmadım, her şeyi biliyorum demedim. Burnumun dikine gitmedim, bilginin ve bilimin ipine sarıldım. İşimi şansa bırakmadım. Çünkü, çok çalıştım ve boşluk bırakmadım.’

DOKTORLUĞA DEVAM

Bu efsane doktor üniversiteye veda ederken şöyle diyordu: ‘32 yılını öğretim üyesi olarak geçirdiğim, 41 yıl üç ay süren üniversitedeki görevim fiilen sona ermiş bulunuyor. İnsanın hissetttiklerini anlatabilmesi oldukça güç. Ayrılık günü gelip çattığında hiç tanımadığınız bir boşluk hissine kapılıyorsunuz. İlk olarak geçmişin yoğunluğu içerisinde hiç gerçekleşmemiş olan bir şey gerçekleşiyor: Annesinin kuzusu Agop, gümüşçüde çalışan Agop, futbolcu, asistan, Almanya’da görev yapan, doçentlik sınavındaki Agop, ilk dersini veren, profesör olan Agop kafa kafaya verip ‘Şimdi ne olacak’ diyorlar. Neden sonra aynı toplantıya emekli Agop gelip de, ‘Hey geçmişin kimlikleri; utanmasanız Agop öldü diyeceksiniz. Şimdi, en büyüğünüz olarak ben, işte buradayım’ diyene kadar...’

Neyse ki Agop Bey tecrübeleriyle şifa dağıtmaya veda etmedi. Osmanbey’deki mimar oğlunun tasarladığı yeni kliniğinde, yine içten, yine mütevazı, çalışmayı sürdürüyor.

Ciğerim Agop, bilesin ki anacığın seninle iftihar ediyor

Prof. Dr. Kotoğyan’ın emekli olduğu gün annesi Makruhi Hanım (87) rahatsız olduğu için törene katılamadı. Kız kardeşi ünlü matematik hocası Hripsime Kotoğyan, kürsüye çıktı ve annelerinin gönderdiği mektubu okudu: ‘Ciğerim Agop. Baban da okuma yazma bilmez idi, ben de. Sen, okudun. Sen hep okudun ve çok çalıştın can parçam. Biz fukaraydık, senin yaptığın şu çok zor yolculukta yanına yetecek kadar azık koyamadık. Bak, burada da açıklıyorum, herkes duysun: Oğlum, sana yeterince yardım edemedik ve ben hep üzüldüm buna. Pek belli etmezdi ama baban da buna çok üzülmüştü. Ama, sen bizim yüzümüzü hiç kara çıkarmadım. Her zorluğun üstesinden geldin. Garip kuşun yuvasını yapan Allah, uçmak istediğini anlayınca sana kanat taktı. Ciğerim Agop, çok çalıştın, çok yoruldun. Sana biraz istirahat et diyeceğim ama biliyorum ki beni dinlemeyeceksin. Şimdi, biraz hastayım ama sen biliyorsun ki yanındayım. Bilesin ki anacığın seninle iftihar ediyor. Baban da şimdi yukarıdan sana bakıyor ve gülüyordur. Ciğerim benim, senin o kara gözlerinden öpüyorum.’

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