3121) Morgenthau Book Review By Sukru Aya

A Magical Ambassador and his Disastrous Distortions of History
- Book Review of “Ambassador Morgenthau’s Story” -

At the time my first book “The Genocide of Truth” was in stage of final compilation in 2007, I did not spare one of my chapters to this important pivotal figure in the Turkish – American – Armenian three party relations, mainly because my Volume 1 book (702 pages) was full enough of many other (some 2000) excerpted documents.

Yet, the name and deeds of Morgenthau is referred about fifty times in my .. book, with two important references based on the research by Prof. Heath W. Lowry, on the diary and letters of Henry Morgenthau, after which he wrote his piercing book “The Story Behind Ambassador Morgenthau’s Story” ISBN-975-428-019-3..

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3120) Diaspora And Democracy The Diaspora’s Response To National Movements In Armenia

Paper presented to the Second Annual PFA Forum on Armenia-Diaspora Relations
February 28 – March 2, 2010, Washington D.C.

Henry Dumanian, BA Candidate
Hunter College of the City University of New York

The Diaspora of the Armenians is arguably the only one of its kind. In the first place, it has existed for a millennium.

Secondly, Diaspora Armenians, especially their commerce and European education, played an instrumental role in what we today consider to be the Armenian national liberation movement(s) of the 19th and 20th centuries. It has also undergone great transformations; the Spyurk is not merely a collection of dispersed communities -- “it is an entity in its own right,” and it has its own history.1 Ultimately, however, the most important and unique feature related to the Diaspora has nothing to do with it. While the Jewish Diaspora is older and arguably more (often exclusively) relevant to Jewish and Israeli history, it has not had a traditional ‘homeland’ continuously populated by co-ethnics. Indeed, there has been an uninterrupted Armenian presence in the Caucasus and Anatolia since at least the 6th century B.C., and themes of exile have been a dominant aspect of the Armenian narrative since the Mongol invasions of the 11th and 12th centuries.

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3119) American Review Of Reviews, January 1921

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3118) New Faces In Post-Soviet Politics: Does It Really Matter? Systemic Corruption In Armenia And Georgia

Paper Presented At The: Central Eurasian Studies Society 4th Annual Conference Cambridge, Mass. USA

Christoph H. Stefes
Assistant Professor
Political Science Department
University of Colorado at Denver, Denver, U.S.A. . .

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3117) Interest-Based Analysis Of The Protocol-Related Armenia-Diaspora Rift

Paper Presented To The Second Annual Pfa Forum On Armenia-Diaspora Relations

February 28 – March 2, 2010 Washington D.C.

Tamar Palandjian
MS Candidate
Institute for Conflict Analysis and Resolution
George Mason University . .

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3116) Niles and Sutherland Report-Excerpts by Aya

Image Credit: http://genoposts.blogspot.com/

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3115) Free E-Book: Two War Years In Constantinople, Sketches Of German And Young Turkish Ethics And Politics By Dr. Harry Stuermer

Dr. Harry Stuermer
Late Correspondent Of The Kölnische Zeitung In Constantinople (1915-16)
Translated From The German E. Allen And The Author Dr. Harry Stuermer
New York George H. Doran Company J. C. & A. L. Fawcett, Inc. Publishers

Made in U.S.A. ISBN 0-941567-15-X

Harry Stuermer (Sturmer) — a German journalist — was the correspondent of Kölnische Zeitung newspaper in Constantinople during the war years of 1915–16. . .

His book Two War Years in Constantinople was published in 1917 after he had left Turkey and contained information about the genocide of Armenians in Ottoman Empire. Stuermer harshly criticized Turkish authorities as well as German policy towards its Turkish allies. The original German version of the book was published in neutral Switzerland. The German Foreign Office even bought the translation rights trying to block the Stuermer’s text from spreading, however the they did not manage to buy out the English translation rights promptly enough, and the English version was published soon after the German one.

In 2004 revised critical edition of the book was published by Dr. Hilmar Kaiser.

DECLARATION
The undersigned hereby declares on his sworn word of honour that in writing this volume he has been in no way inspired by outside influence, and that he has never had any dealings whatsoever, material or otherwise, either before or during the war, with any Government, organisation, propaganda, or personality hostile to Germany or Turkey or even of a neutral character. His conscience alone has urged him to write and publish his impressions, and he hopes that by so doing he may perform a service towards the cause of truth and civilisation.

Moreover, he can give formal assurance that he has expressly avoided making the acquaintance of any person resident in Switzerland until his manuscript should have been sent to press.

Furthermore, he has been actuated by no personal motives in thus giving public expression to no personal grievance, either material or moral, against any person whatsoever. Geneva,

June 1917.

CONTENTS

CHAPTER I

At the outbreak of war in Germany—The German "world-politicians" (Weltpolitiker) —German and English mentality—The "place in the sun"—England's declaration of war—German methods in Belgium and Alsace-Lorraine —Prussian arrogance —Militaristic journalism

CHAPTER II
To Constantinople—Pro-Turkish considerations—The dilemma of a Gallipoli correspondent—Under German military control

CHAPTER III
The great Armenian persecutions—The system of Talaat and Enver—A denunciation of Germany as a cowardly and conscienceless accomplice

CHAPTER IV
The tide of war—Enver's offensive for the "liberation of the Caucasus"—The Dardanelles Campaign; the fate of Constantinople twice hangs in the balance —Nervous tension in international Pera—Bulgaria's attitude—Turkish rancour against her former enemy—German illusions of a separate peace with Russia—King Ferdinand's time-serving—Lack of munitions in the Dardanelles—A mysterious death: a political murder?—The evacuation of Gallipoli—The Turkish version of victory—Constantinople unreleased—Kut-el-Amara—Propaganda foe the "Holy War"—A prisoner of repute—Loyalty of Anglo-Indian officers—Turkish communiques and their worth—The fall of Erzerum—Official lies—The treatment of prisoners— Political speculation with prisoners of war—Treatment of enemy subjects —Stagnation and lassitude in the summer of 1916—The Greeks in Turkey—Dread of Greek massacres—Rumania's entry—Terrible disappointment— The three phases of the war for Turkey

CHAPTER V
The economic situation—Exaggerated Entente hopes—Hunger and suffering among the civil population—The system of requisitioning and the semi-official monopolists —Profiteering on the part of the Government clique—Frivolity and cynicism—The "Djemiet"—The delegates of the German Zentrulinkaufagesellschaft (Central Purchases Commission)—A hard battle between German and Turkish intrigue —Reform of the coinage—Paper money and its depreciation—The hoarding of bullion—The Russian rouble the best investment


CHAPTER VI
German propaganda and ethics—The unsuccessful "Holy War" and the German Government—"The Holy War" a crime against civilisation, a chimera, a farce— Underhand dealings—The German Embassy the dupe of adventurers—The morality of German Press representatives— A trusty servant of the German Embassy—Fine official distinctions of morality—The German conception of the rights of individuals

CHAPTER VII
Young Turkish nationalism—-One-sided abolition of capitulations—Anti-foreign efforts at emancipation—Abolition of foreign languages—German simplicity—The Turkification of commercial life—Unmistakable intellectual improvement as a result of the war—Trade policy and customs tariff—National production—The founding of new businesses in Turkey—Germany supplanted—German starvation —-Capitulations or full European control?—The colonisation and forcible Turkification of Anatolia—"The properties of people who have been despatched elsewhere" —The "Mohadjirs"-—Greek persecutions just before the Great War—The "discovery" of Anatolia, the nucleus of the Ottoman Empire—Turkey finds herself at last—-Anatolian dirt and decay—The "Greater Turkey" and the purely Turkish Turkey—Cleavage or concentration?


CHAPTER VIII
Religion and race—The Islam policy of Abdul-Hamid and of the Young Turks— Turanism and Pan-Islamism as political principles—Turanism and the Quadruple Alliance— Greed and race-fanaticism—Religions traditions and modern reforms —Reform in the law—A modem Sheikh-ul-Islam—Reform and nationalisation—The Armenian and Greek Patriarchates—The failure of Pan-Islamism— The alienation of the Arans—Djemal Pasha's "hangman's policy" in Syria—Djemal as a "Pro-French" —Djemal and Enver— Djemal and Germany—His true character— The attempts against the Suez Canal—Djemal's murderous work nears completion-—The great Arabian and Syrian Separatist movement—The defection of the Emir of Mecca and the great Arabian catastrophe

CHAPTER IX
Anti-war and pro-Entente feelings among the Turks—Turkish pessimism about the war—How would Abdul-Hamid have acted?—A war of prevention against Russia —Russia and a neutral Turkey—The agreement about the Dardanelles —A peaceful solution scorned—Alleged criminal intentions on the part of the Entente; the example of Greece and Salonika—To be or not to be?—German influence— Turkey stakes on the wrong card—The results

CHAPTER X
The outlook for the future—The consequences of trusting Germany—The Entente's death sentence on Turkey— The social necessity for this deliverance—Anatolia, the new Turkey after the war; forecasts about the Turkish race—The Turkish element in the lost territory—Russia and Constantinople; international guarantees—Germany, at peace, benefits too—Farewell to the German "World Politicians"—German interests in a victorious and in a defeated Turkey—The German-Turkish treaty—A paradise on earth—The Russian commercial impulse—The new Armenia Western Anatolia, the old Greek centre of civilisation—Great Arabia and Syria—The reconciliation of Germany

Appendix

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3114) Free E-Book: Greek Occupation Of Izmir And Adjoining Territories: Inter-Allied Commission Of Inquiry, 1919

The Greek army started occupying Western Anatolia on 15 May 1919, in the aftermath of the First World War and under the sanction of the Council of the Paris Peace Conference. Although the initial instructions of the Council restricted the occupation zone to the brders of Izmir (Aydin) province, the Greek army started to advance into Anatolia from the first day of their landing in Izmir.

During the incursion of the Greek occupation forces, Greek soldiers and local Greeks committed atrocities against, not only the Turkish population, but also all of the non-Greek communities that had been living peacefully in the region for centuries. These atrocities included massacre, pillage, rape and the destruction of towns and villages.

The severity of the incidents and the reactions of the Turkish and Western witnesses forced the Paris Peace Conference to establish a commission to investigate the claims against the Greek forces. The Inter-Allied Commission of Inquiry into the Greek Occupation of Smyrna [Izmir] and the Adjoining Territories conducted an investigation in the region between 12 August and 15 October 1919. The Commission visited the towns and villages where atrocities were committed, listened to witnesses from all communities, collected evidence and prepared a report.

The first objective of this study is to inform the reader about the formation of the Commission of Inquiry, the Commission’s studies in Anatolia, the contents of its report and the ensuing discussion at the Council of the Paris Peace Conference.

Secondly, this study aims to give a brief description of the incidents that occurred during the first four months of the Greek occupation, a period corresponding to that investigated by the Commission.

Finally this is an attempt, with references to international law, to evaluate the incidents that the Commission detailed in its report.

All the events mentioned in this study are based on the official reports of European and American representatives in the region and the Turkish authorities. This study makes extensive use of official sources, such as documents on British foreign policy and papers relating to the foreign relations of the United States. Furthermore, this study uses books and articles in English and Turkish that are the products of intensive archival research and of academic value.

We hope that this book will provide a contribution to academic research on Turkish-Greek affairs.

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3113) Free E-Book: Armenia-Diaspora Relations: 20 Years Since Independence

February 2010

TABLE OF CONTENTS

I. Introduction and Motivation

II. Armenia-Diaspora Relations: A Historical Excurse
A. Before Independence The Karabakh Movement
B. De jure Relations After Independence

III. De facto Relations After Independence
A. The Diaspora’s De Facto Attitude Events of 2008
B. Armenia’s De Facto Attitude Armenia-Turkish Protocols
C. Why Such a Disconnect?

IV. The Diaspora’s Contribution to Armenia
A. Economic Development Indirect Economic Assistance
B. Governance and Public Service Reform What Can Be Done?
C. Civil Society Strengthening
D. Food for Thought

V. Strengthening Armenia-Diaspora Relations: A Way Forward
A. Challenges of Diaspora Organization
B. A Call for a Collective Action Text Boxes

Box 1. Dual Citizenship
Box 2. Contribution of Diaspora to the war effort in Karabakh
Box 3. Armenia-Turkey Protocols
Box 4. Factors Behind the Organizational Underdevelopment in the Diaspora
Box 5. Jewish Diaspora and Israel’s Economic Development in Early Years of Independence
Box 6. Political Engagement of Other Nations in Their Respective Homelands
Box 7. Corruption in Armenia
Box 8. Perceived Leadership Problems and Corruption in the Past
Box 9: Elements of Structure of a Transnational Diaspora Organization

Appendix
Armenia-Diaspora Relations: the Role of the Church
References

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3112) Exclusive Interview: Sukru Server Aya "No Hell, No Paradise, No Martyrdom, No Genocide"

Sukru Server Aya is an amazing researcher with a ton of wit, wisdom and style. His research into Turkish-Armenian History resulted the monumental book titled 'The Genocide Of Truth'. Currently he writes regularly at this Website (Armenians-1915.blogspot.com), and has a new book coming up soon.

Sukru bey is the kindest soul I have ever met, and his talent has been beyond inspirational to so many of us at this Website.

I happened to have met him at a Conference in Istanbul many years ago although we hadn't known each other then, in relation to his articles at this website. So, neither him nor I actually knew that one day in the future he'd be the major content contributor at a website where I'd be also doing some voluntary work.

What struck me most was (and still is) his determination to get to unearth the truth, and it is no such coincidence that the truthfulness is also represented in the title of his exceptional book.

We have exchanged hundreds of emails, and this website has consulted him on many occasions over the years. He has always helped us and commented in the posts when needed, even when he was on overseas trips, he has kept himself available for us to contact him and clarify many sticky points we couldn't get any answers otherwise.

I must admit that he has more energy and determination than myself and any of the editors here.

Before I present you with this exclusive interview, I do have a confession to make:

The following interview questions are not being prepared by the editorial team here. We've just wanted the questions to come from our dedicated readers in order to be unique.

Thank you Sukru bey, for sharing your thoughts with us and continually contributing content to this Website, which simply couldn't be as worthy and as informative without your part.

Lara Kaplan, Editor (NSW, Australia)

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Sukru bey, how would you describe the Armenian question, to our readers please?

The Armenian question is a product of European (French Liberty) inspirations, exploited by Imperial Powers such as Russia-Britain-France for their own hidden objectives. The founders of Hunchak, ARF, Ramgavar etc. were idealists but they were risking the lives of “mostly satisfied Turkish Armenians, who were the top class”. In every deal of “freedom” there is the heavy role of CASH.

The true unanswered question is: "Did the Revolutionists employ ruthless methods of “money collection” for their “sacred cause”?…." Or it was “that they needed a sacred excuse to collect CASH unquestionably and use as they alone, see fit” and “profitable for those in the management”.

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How did you decide to work and write on the subject?

I was a globetrotter because of my importer-distributor business and had an amateur interest in WWI and WWII history. My selection and reprints of articles in the National Geographic about Armenia-Turkey Relations goes back to 1990.(some 2000 pages).

I started reading more after the Paris Orly Trial in 1985, but of course I heard about it in 1973 with the first act of terror in L.A. , and the March 2004 article in the National Geographic on Armenia and distortion of Geography with Politics was when my fuse blew off, seeing the unbelievable ignorance and "Who Cares" in the Turkish community, which still persists! Soccer player XYZ has a thousand times more interest in the media and public interest!

I only wrote business letters, operation manuals, no short stories or literature. I still do not want to classify myself as a writer, I am no writer, I am a good reader, get mad at the mistakes and sloppy researches of some reputed names or scholars, and I only compile and share it with readers like me, to show that we are no dupes, (as the Reno Evening Gazette Nov.14,1915 correspondent had rightly warned)!

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How would define your approach to Turkish-Armenian History?

We only had (and have) wonderful friendly relations with Armenians and I was not even aware of these matters until very lately, starting in 1973 with the first act of terror. "Truth" is a "Relative Finding" depending from where you approach, what are your sources, do you really want to uncover the TRUTH as much as you can, or simply search for some writings to support your prejudice. In that sense I think that I Am The Only Turk that has depended on either neutral or anti-Turkish (mostly Armenian-American) sources, disregarding the monumental researches of neutral scholars which were later tagged as "Denialist" and scorned "For Not Having Supported" the "Genocide Fanfare".!

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What are the most illuminating primary sources and historians’ analysis on this issue?

Although there are several excellent historians (Justin McCarthy, Stanford Shaw, Selahi Sonyel, Jeremy Salt, Heath Lowry, Guenter Lewy, Turkaya Ataov, Samuel Weems, Kamuran Gurun and many to enlist - see bibliography of my book) I have preferred to depend on the "Official Documents, Memorandums, Conference Notes, Declarations, Correspondence etc." minimizing the "General Opinions Or Remarks Of Scholars Which Are Heavily Based On Rumors And Not Evidences". They do not know me, because I am no scholar, but I know and read most of them. I enjoy it very much to catch their mistakes, and sometimes distortions and even lies.! You will soon have two books proving what I mean. As I said, "I do not lecture, I do not insist on anything but Share The Knowledge" because what we believe to be "True Today" can become "Wrong When Other Stronger Evidences Surface"...And thanks to you, they keep on coming and floating like lotus flowers on murky history waters.

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I Sometimes read on forums that these people whose ancestors had been massacred by Armenians or who had heard stories about these untold past of the Armenians. Have you got any such stories? Do you have ancestors were the victims of this violence?

I have too many dependable stories of many friends whose ancestors have been massacred or they barely escaped. However many Armenians have similar stories, and many of them can be true, while others may be fabricated or exaggerated for the purpose. It is wrong to treat this matter “Racially”. People of the same regions have similar habits and reactions; race and faith can only become an excuse or brainstorm. My family did not live in those parts. My uncle died at Gallipoli, my father was saved being a seaman and posted on the famous battleship “Goeben”, as a shoe repairer.

I remember that during early 1940’s we hosted an Armenian mother and son for almost a year from Iran, until they could go to USA. However, after they went, they never dropped us a note despite our warm and long hospitality. We knew nothing on such matters in our childhood, and most of the Turks still know nothing!

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I’ve read some of your articles. (Armenians-1915.blogspot.com/2006/06/sukru-server-ayas-collection.html )
Your approach in this matter is often different from others, because you bring new material to the surface or show a refreshing look. Where do you get the energy and inspiration for this all?

Throughout my life I had, and still have friends (and relations) of different races or faiths, Greeks, Jews, Armenians, Pakistanis, Americans, Germans etc! What counts is the personal character, ethics and reciprocal respect of the human! I do not remember a single negative incident with any Armenians or other nationalities and I am against this pure blood nonsense. I am openly against racial or religious discrimination and I get angry at “Diaspora’s Continuous Boiling This Kettle Or Hatred Instead Of Love And Compassion”! .Of course, they have a “Good Benefit In It”. My inspiration, is “ The Fear To Defend The Wrong Or Untrue” and to be cautious and check with many sources, before arriving to temporary conclusions which will change when new evidence surfaces.

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What has been your drive to expose the distorted Armenian history and their supporters?

I am just sharing my knowledge or compilation, with the rest of the decent world. I am sure you can find alike distortions almost in all histories. My conclusions heavily depend on Armenian, neutral and official documentation, disregarding the thousands of Turkish archival documents or works of neutral scholars who have observed the “Armenian network of planned” distortions and propaganda by all means.

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Which book (or article, video, film) has impressed you the most? Are there any specific books you would recommend to the readers of Armenians-1915.blogspot?

I highly credit the books in your E-library ( http://armenians-1915.blogspot.com/search/label/Free%20E-Books%20And%20Docs ), but my favorite writers are Akaby Nassibiam, Jeremy Salt, James Grabill, A.A. Lalaian, Garekin Pastermadjian, Selahi Sonyel, Cyrus Hamlin, Hratch Dasnabedian, Erich Feigl, Samuel Weems, Phlip Mansel, Justin McCarthy, Stanford Shaw and many others!

Firstly, all readers should admit that while Ottomans were at war on three fronts, the Revolutionist Armenians and their volunteers etc, were in full rebel and at war with the Ottomans from 1914 to 1920. Since they were not strong enough and depended on outside support thinking that British-Russians-French-Americans will come and die for them, they performed refined/cruel atrocities and of course, some of which has been retaliated, mostly by Kurdish, Circassian or Army deserter gangs and like bandits. There is no evidence that the CUP government arranged or supported any massacres! Yet there is no doubt about their incapacity and lack of everything! Didn’t they lose almost 50.000 soldiers on the Russian front in a matter of ten days because of logistic shortages, bad management and weather? Were they too much improve for Armenian deportations? Yet, there are several excellent examples of goodwill and affection, next to indifference and saturation to misery and death!. Let us not forget that over forty Turkish Gendarmes died trying to defend their columns, while others sold everything for a few piaster or saw that the looters were stronger and surrendered to all their wishes, including robbing, kidnapping etc.

Reading above books plus some in your E library is enough!

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In writing The Genocide of Truth, then the Turkish version, Who was your target audience?

The Turkish (condensed) version of The Genocide of Truth, did not earn " Expected Interest And Sales" because I have no newspaper-TV media or anyone serious who would READ and STAND UP TO DEFEND THE TRUTH. Rarely I receive very flattering any eye wetting letters from decent persons like you and me, and one or two of them have become my pusher and morale booster (but, so far no generous payer, no NGO etc). Most of them "have no time to read and learn" and easily jump into conclusions based on a short conversation. To me they are not much different than "Lynching Mobs", they do not need or want to learn and convince their own logic and values! Turkey has 70 millions, and I doubt if there are some 70 persons who took serious interest to learn what is all about it. VERY FEW PERSONS take it for serious!

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What did please/displease you the most in your research?

I am very pleased that despite scarcity there are still very few people who understand my humane approach and support my lonely efforts. Your Website stands on the very top, and I am glad that some Armenians mostly abroad who are constantly brainwashed and are unaware of their own historians, started to question and look on the back side of the coin. As seen, I respect serious Armenian writers and I have great pleasure in reading Ara Baliozian's ironic approaches, and he does not mind if I rarely disagree with some, and give different sources.

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What are the main points you recommend to defend the Turkish/critical point of view against an opponent in a Turkish-Armenian History Discussion ?

All Armenian and Other Official Documents (Paris Memorandum) confirm that ARF and alike were at WAR and did not care for the consequences they bring to their own people, despite the fact that they were strongly warned by CUP Government in March 1914 but they took it as a bluff and depended on the landing at Gallipoli. Some of the Revolutionists died during fight at Bardiz, Karakilisa, etc. fronts (Kerri, Murat)! But the big ones (Antranik, Dro-Drastamat, Armen Garo) fled to Europe in late 1918, when they lost the war for the second time! Let us not forget that ARF and their humpabets terrorized and punished Armenians first, when they disobeyed their orders. Read “potorig” in Dasnabedian’s book!

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The Armenian Question is a maze of a lot of info and sources. If someone for the first time gets involved in this matter, what would be your advice? Where should (s)he start first?

Reading Holdwater’s “Tallarmeniantale” or your Website is more than enough. But they will not realize that if they start today, they need at least 5-6 years to read all your serious postings on the subject which I estimate to be not less than 60.000 pages. I think, I read 60-70% of it, and I found everything very serious, and balanced. The question again is: will they have the patience and ambition to count all these words or hairs on so many sheepskins to learn or find the truths?

My 2-volume compilation may end close to 1500 pages in total, which means that it will be the residue of some 30.000 or more scanned pages. I am one of the rare stubborn species that does not want to defend the wrong side by trusting this or that scholar, whom I find many to be sloppy and biased or even sold out!.

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The western scientific approach is often praised and highly regarded in the world because of its serious and critical attitude. The last thing we then would expect is that these universities and scientific centers in the western world embrace the Armenian accusations. Because we see a lot of fraud, distortion of facts, etcetera when the Armenians and followers propagate their story.

Usually such falsifiers are immediately punished but we see scientists who propagate the Armenian stories become professors, get salaries from these universities and such. How does it happen? Which mechanism plays a role in this collective infatuation of the scientific world in the west?

Diaspora Armenian Organizations are extremely capable, intelligent and know how to skin and ride on top, without hurting any of their own people. Regretfully, the scholastic institutions have lost their idealism or surrendered to outside forces. The biggest falsifications happened at UCLA and respected professors had their names on the posters. And when this was unfolded none was ashamed or apologized! The “ethics” of the West lay in “words only”, we the Easterners play tricks for tiny interests, but in the West they play it BIG and cover their crimes with palavers of “democracy, human rights etc.”

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Your book ‘The Genocide of Truth’ could be Downloaded Here ( Armenians-1915.blogspot.com/2008/04/2429-new-e-book-genocide-of-truth-based.html ).
How can the readers purchase the printed version of your book?

Readers can order directly or through you! I have only about 30 books left, but hope to come up with a set of 2 volumes before the end of this year. Above Volume 1, is available only from me, cost is $ 50 plus postage. When Volume 2 (The Genocide of Truth…Continues) will be finished and reprinted with Volume 1 as one set of two books, the price shall be $ 100/set plus postage. Advance orders (no down payment needed) are welcome. I do not have and don’t expect any support from any Turkish organization. They are “Sterile And Not Interested” to learn the reason of this “migraine” which looks it will last many years to come, but it will be impossible for me to see that my work is finally respected!.

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How were your relations with Armenians before this research and how are they now?

There has been no negative change at all in my relations with Armenian friends abroad and in Turkey. However, I see that many "Lazy Turkish Turncoats" get so easily carried out by ANCA etc propaganda freely circulating in Turkey with their excellent profitable connections and support of outside endowment (German, Swedish, American) funds and it is again that the outside intervention with flag bearers like Taner Akcam or Orhan Pamuk, who are rewarded for playing the records of "His Master's Voice" (these have increased to hundreds of apologist scholars who do not have the courage to face any discussion and write books without even reading not only Turkish but also dependable Armenian works). So far, I have not heard any comment about my Turkish and English books from any scholar in Turkey. My books are available in the library of all Turkish universities, but I cannot force anyone to "read and learn before opening big mouths".

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What is your current work about and when will it be published?

Let be known that so far I have not been offered, given any support of any type, morally, financially, commercially, scholarly, intellectually or any form by any Turkish or other endowment, organization or person. Those "Who Should Be Supporting" such project, are totally indifferent and if you give them a signed book, you have to mail it to them, and not even one in a hundred would send you a cordial "Thank you note!" The English Version Of The Book was printed and published by Istanbul Commerce University, it was not sold, it was distributed and I received only a few hundred copies instead of the editorial fee. I thank the old Rector Mr. Vuran, who had my work double checked and had it published and distributed. I have told the same University and Istanbul Chamber of Commerce that I am preparing Volume 2 of the same book or "The Genocide of Truth...Continues" and asked them if they would like to place some orders, since Volume 1 is also extinct and we shall have a 2-volume gift pack ready by October-November if I receive orders and voluntaries that are prepared to pay for the cost. The Turkish book was financed and sold by me, and I still have a few hundred copies waiting for readers, but it is already forgotten.... Sorry, if things were to be differently managed by Turkey in the past forty years ANCA would have never covered so much distance in "no men - no care land".

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What are your expectations for the future? Will the world finally open its eyes against the corrupted version of the history Armenians and their advocates try to sell? Or will Turkey finally surrender for these massive propaganda?

Unfortunately Turkey now for forty years, has not grasped the size and consequences of this huge fabrication, which has become the living and supporting source for so many for Armenian Diaspora. Turkey has never done her homework and this stands true for today as well. They cannot see that this lie is so much spread around and made belief that “people do not feel the necessity” to check the truth in it. No one cares if the lie has no valid evidence! All I personally can hope, is that (like most criminals) they will do some error at some place and this “masquerade mask” will fall off!. Why should the DIASPORA Armenians (and many thousands receiving salaries, benefits) including many politicians want this matter settled peacefully and lose their control over Armenian communities which may lead them to assimilation and out of control!. Will they ever break the hatred monuments or convert the genocide museums into art museums to collect petty cash? ARF does not care a bit about the sufferings of people in Armenians feeding themselves with hate (and dream of compensations) instead of bread, nor the Armenians of Turkey or tens of thousands of destitute trying to make an earning here. ARF did not care in 1914-1918-1919 and they will not care now, either, or lose this “Money pump” feeding so many with patriotic palaver only!

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What kind of solution(s) do you see to fix the “Turkish-Armenian Imbroglio”, and in particular, what do you think of Turkish-Armenian diplomatic attempts rapprochement since 2008?

The issue is an Economic Matter Which Has Become Political. I do not think that the Turkish or Armenian diplomats have read even 1% of the knowledge posted here. They are "just smart genius who can find the short cuts" that these ordinary people like us would first read and learn what's behind it. This is "A Fabricated Tale" of "Sorrowful Past In Which Turkish Armenians Were Forced Into Adventures" and they were hit as a consequence. Nothing comes back, what has passed is past, and we have to live the "Present And Tomorrow". The "present fact is that" the Armenian communities outside of Armenia keep this "Genocide Soup Kettle Boiling" because many benefit from this "Hot Kettle" be it in museums, monuments, campaign donations and "Buying Image".

The Armenian Government is given a few cups of the soup, but the soup does nor reach the poor people who feed themselves on grudge and propaganda only and no bread. The Turkish side has not even understood what the cause is, and of course they produced "Miraculous Solutions" which was doomed to collapse, because it was written on sand and not LOGIC bilateral PROFIT and everlasting COMPASSIONATE NEIGHBOURLY relations.

Diaspora Armenians and their extensions in Armenia, will some day realize how much damage they have done to their home country who are educated and industrious people, by wasting their years on impossible tales, instead of productive cooperation with neighbors and “sharing bilateral success instead of grabbing land etc.” thus, repeats past dramas! I find everything logically STUPID for sure!

This interview is also an open invitation to all parties to "disagree with my views and prove the contrary to be true!"

There can be no genuine serious problems with the Gregorian Armenians of Turkey; if there was some mistakes we apologize and embrace each other and we are back to our Rakı and Topik and entrusting each other more than brothers...But the status is different with the Catholic clergy out of Lebanon and France and Protestant clergy and the REVOLUTIONIST (opportunist) mentality that dominate all institutions! Some day, people will understand that there is "No Hell, No Paradise, No Martyrdom, No Genocide" but there has been and there will be savagery of humans, worse than wild animals, who kill only to feed themselves and no more...

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Sukru bey, I'd like to thank you for sharing your thoughts with us as well as the monumental contribution you have made for the Cause. Please do keep us posted about your further research and I wish you the best.

I compliment your Website and wish success on the ethical values, diffusing TRUTH!

I may not see the days when "Logic And Compassion" will prevail over "Grudge And Hatred".

At least I have tried in my lifetime..

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Above questions are kindly prepared by Ben Folk, Carlo Giovannoni and few others (will added here upon their consent).

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3111) Free E-Book: Murder Of A Nation By Henry Morgenthau -1974

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Murder Of A Nation By Henry Morgenthau -1974

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3110) Hovhannes Kajaznouni

Hovhannes Kajaznouni (Igitkhanyan) (Armenian: Հովհաննես Քաջազնունի; Russian: Ованнес Каджазнуни) (1868-1938) - Armenian social and political leader. Member of Dashnaktsutsyun Party. First Prime Minister of Democratic Republic of Armenia in 1918 - August 1919. He was also an architect, who had a valuable impact on architecture of Baku. . . .

Biography
Education and first steps

Hovhannes Matevos Kajaznouni (Ter-Hovhannisyan) was born in city of Akhlatsikhe of Armenian Gugark region, currently included in Javakheti region of Georgia on February 1, 1868 in a family of a prist. He took surname Kajaznouni, which is the translation of his grandfather's surname - Igitkhanyan.

He got his primary education in Tbilisi in 1877-1886 first at private boarding school and later at Realschule.

In 1887 he left for Petersburg to enter Citizen Engineers Institute.

In 1893 he graduated from it with honor diploma getting profession of architect. On the eve of the Institute 25th anniversary best projects the students were published, and Kajaznouni applied with his project of an Armenian church. During the project creation he investigated Ani and Echmiadzin architecture.

Those years he was also interested in Shakespeare literature. The same period he joined ARF and becomes one of its principal members.

In 1893-1895 he worked at Baku Regional Architectural Department.

In 1895-1897 he worked in Batumi as architect.

In 1897-1899 he worked at Tbilisi Municipal Governance as regional architect.

In 1899-1906 he worked in Council of Baku Oil Producers Congress as senior architect. He actively worked with local oil producers - Balakhan, Bibi-Eybat, Sabunchi. He was architect of a hospital and apartment houses in Baku.

During Armenian-Caucasus Tatar (called Azerbaijani since 1930s) massacres in 1905-1906 he became member of Peace-Building Commission for stopping the violence.

Since 1906 he gave up his architectural work and started active political career.
[edit] Kajaznouni project of Armenian church in Baku

Circumstances made him return architecture in 1909. Tenders were organized for construction of Armenian church of Thadeus and Bartholomew in 1900 and 1907 as a will of late Armenian rich businessman Budaghov (Budaghyan), but brought to no compromise among commission, architects and society. In 1909 relatives of Budaghyan contacted Hovhannes Kajaznouni directly and ordered him to start the project.

He wanted to base on medieval traditions of Armenian church architecture, but mixed with modern symmetry and expression methods. The church got a cross-shape plan, a bit of oval. Besides 4 deepenings in 4 sides of equal sized cross-shape, he had also 4 smaller deepenings between each. The three-flight bell-tower is built in the church, but at the same time taken outside of the western facade. The inside architecture is also worth to mention for he leaned two cross-shaped arcs to the drum of the dome resulting enlarging of the pray hall. The whole building got light and symmetric look. Western facade has two-arc windows, which shape and pattern had Roman architecture influence.

In 1911 moved to Turkey escaping from being arrested by the so-called "Dashnaktsutsyun case" and didn't manage to complete the project [1].

Post-Baku period and Republic of Armenia

Later he lived in Constantinople and in Western Armenia.

In 1914 Kajaznouni moved back to Caucasus.

In 1917 he was elected as member of Armenian National Council and member of Transcaucasian Seym.

After declaration of Armenian Independence on May 28, 1918, he was appointed prime minister of the Republic by Armenian National Council and on June 30 presented his cabinet of 4 ministries, which had 4 ARF (Dashnaktsutsyun) members and one non-partisan:

Hovhannes Kajaznouni  Prime-Minister (Minister-President)
Aleksander Khatisyan  Minister of Foreign Affairs
Aram Manukyan  Minister of Interior
Khachatur Karchikyan  Minister of Finance
Hovhannes Hakhverdyan  Minister of Defense

The new government finally moved to Yerevan from Tbilisi in July 1918 leaving most of its belongings in Tbilisi.

As representative from Armenia he participated Batumi and Trabzon negotiations, but after negotiations fail Kajaznouni together with Aleksander Khatisyan signed Batumi Treaty on June 4, 1918.

In October 1918 as a result of permanent pressure by other parties of the National Assembly Hovhannes Kajaznouni resigned. The National Assembly accepted his resign, but at once appointed him to form a new coalition cabinet considering all spheres, which were missed before. After discussions with all parties of Armenia and meeting radical position of Social-Revolutionary and Social-Democratic Parties, he formed the new coalition cabinet of 8 ministries together with ARF and People's Party on November 4, 1918:

 
Hovhannes Kajaznouni  Prime-Minister (Minister-President)  ARF
Sirakan Tigranyan  Minister of Foreign Affairs  ARF
Aram Manukyan  Minister of Interior  ARF
Khachatur Karchikyan  Minister of Public Assistance  ARF
Artashes Enfiajyan  Minister of Finance  People's Party
Samson Harutyunyan  Minister of Justice  People's Party
Mikael Atabekyan  Minister of Public Education  People's Party
Levon Ghulyan  Minister of Provisions  People's Party
Hovhannes Hakhverdyan  Minister of Defense  Non-partisan

In January Aram Manukyan and Minas Berberyan died of typhus during typhus epidemic in Armenia, while Hovhannes Kajaznouni and Sirakan Tigranyan contacted typhus ills, but survived [2].

In February 1919 he was sent to Europe and USA trying to get support for Armenia.

By Spring he presented a modified cabinet:

  
Hovhannes Kajaznouni  Prime-Minister (Minister-President)  ARF
Sirakan Tigranyan  Minister of Foreign Affairs  ARF
Aleksander Khatisyan  Minister of Interior  ARF
Sahak Torosyan  Minister of Welfare  ARF
Samson Harutyunyan  Minister of Justice  People's Party
Artashes Enfiajyan  Minister of Finance  People's Party
Gevorg Melik-Karagyozyan  Minister of Education  People's Party
Christophor Vermishev  Minister of Provisions  People's Party
Christophor Araratov  Minister of Defense  Non-partisan

On February 15 and April 16 he passed responsibility of the Prime-Minister on Aleksander Khatisyan for leaving for negotiations in Tbilisi. Since April 27, 1919 Aleksander Khatisyan became acting Prime-Minister and since May 28 - Prime-Minister of Armenia. In September 1920 after returning to Armenia he was appointed as vise-chairman of National Assembly.

On November 25, 1920 he became Chairman of National Assembly and occupied the position for a week.

After Bolshevik occupation of Armenia he was arrested. After anti-Bolshevik February 18, 1921 revolt he became head of commission formed to help families of Bolshevism victims, which was given first 10, and later 50 mln. rubles.

After the revolt was suppressed he moved to Bucharest, where he published book "Dashnaktsutyun had nothing to do", which was greatly criticized by other members of the party. The same year he left Dashnak party.

In 1925 he moved back to Soviet Armenia to work as architect in Leninakan (Gyumri). He lived in Yerevan, worked in Technical Department of Yerevan State University. On the basis of that department soon Construction Institute opened in Yerevan and he moved there getting rank of professor.

In 1937 he was arrested together with other representatives of pre-Soviet Armenia, and according to Stalin repression mechanism they all were called enemy of the state. He died in prison in period of 1937-1938.

After his death all of his personal archives, letters and documents were confiscated by KGB. Only remaining few documents were preserved by his daughter Margarita Hovhannisyan.

References

1. ↑ Edmond Tigranyan «Activity of Armenian architects in South Caucasus» - ISBN 99930-0-001-2
2. ↑ The Republic of Armenia: The first year, 1918-1919 By Richard G. Hovannisian; ISBN 0520018052

* Энциклопедия «Армянский вопрос», Ереван 1991, ISBN 5-89700-005-0

        Prime-Minister of Armenia
Preceded       In office          Succeeded
None     May 30, 1918 - May 28, 1919  Aleksander Khatisyan

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3109) Free E-Book: Armenia and Armenian Question, 1943, by Simon Vratzian

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Many Thanks To Dvdk and Friends For Scanning This Document

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3108) ARF-CUP Relations Under Ottoman Constitutional Rule by Dikran Kaligian And Comments by Sukru Aya

The Armenian Revolutionary Federation (ARF) and the Hnchak Party entered into a dialogue with Turkish opposition groups in Paris in 1900 and took part in the First Congress of Ottoman Opposition Forces in 1902. At the end of 1907, the Second Congress of Ottoman Opposition Forces resolved to overthrow the Sultan and to restore the Ottoman constitution using much more radical means, including refusal to pay taxes, propaganda, and armed resistance, if necessary. . . .

Thus, the successful Constitutional Revolution of 1908, initiated by a rebellion of the Turkish army in Macedonia, was greeted with jubilation by all opposition parties and much of the population of the empire.

The ARF published and distributed a proclamation that celebrated the success of the revolution and looked forward to freedom, equality, and justice under the constitutional regime. Accordingly, the party published a program that recognized the territorial integrity of the Ottoman Empire. The program called for a federal form of government with a decentralized administration that would provide the widest degree of local autonomy.

The CUP (Committee of Union and Progress or Ittihad) and the ARF became key players in Ottoman constitutional politics.

For the ARF to influence government policies to improve conditions for the Armenians, it would have to work closely with the CUP. Communication between the parties was immediately hampered, however, by the fact that neither was headquartered in the imperial capital, Constantinople.

At the end of 1908, elections were held throughout the empire and a multi-ethnic parliament was seated. Of the 11 Armenians elected, 4 were ARF members representing the eastern provinces. The restoration of the constitution allowed the Armenian parties to openly campaign in the elections and start publishing newspapers within the empire.

In this atmosphere of increasing liberties, an armed insurrection broke out on April 12, 1909 in Constantinople and succeeded in driving the CUP out of the city. Liberal opponents of the CUP as well as reactionaries and supporters of Sultan Abdul Hamid supported the coup. However, within two weeks, troops under Mahmut Sevket Pasha had suppressed the revolt. Taking advantage of the political unrest, anti-Armenian massacres broke out in the city of Adana and the towns and villages of Adana province. In all, some 25,000 Armenians perished in the two rounds of massacres.

The Adana massacres created the first major test for ARF-CUP relations. The ARF had to decide, in the face of Armenian public opinion, whether to continue its cooperation with the CUP. This was dependent, on the one hand, on an evaluation of the degree of culpability of the CUP. On the other hand, the ARF had to weigh the substantial potential benefits to the Armenian community and all Ottoman citizens if the CUP instituted a true constitutional regime.

Weighing the Options

The ARF found itself in a serious dilemma. The party was torn between its solidarity with the progressive elements of the CUP and its revulsion at the murderous acts of its chauvinist elements.

The Western Bureau desired to help the progressive elements consolidate power within the party and the empire. Yet should the progressives lose the upper hand, the consequences for the Armenians would be deadly. The ARF self-defense units had been disbanded, which would leave the population in the eastern provinces and Cilicia at the mercy of Kurdish tribes or Turkish mobs.

After weighing all these considerations, the Western Bureau decided to make a final attempt at continued cooperation with the CUP. The attempt would be conditional on the government taking action on a number of critical items arising from the massacres.

The CUP took great pains to reassure the ARF of their sincerity and support of reforms. They met in Salonika to draw up an accord that committed the two parties to preserve the empire, provide an increased devolution of power to the provinces, and to defend the constitution against reactionary movements.

The agreement to continue cooperation was a serious political gamble by the ARF. The credibility that the ARF had gained through years of self-defense actions and political education and organizing activities would be lost if the CUP did not deliver on its promises. But such was the belief of the ARF leadership in the benefits of constitutionalism that they were willing to give it one more try.

There would no longer be an endless supply of patience or goodwill, however. There was a heightened level of distrust by the party ranks, and power struggles within the CUP would have to be monitored closely to determine which group held the upper hand. The CUP’s room to maneuver was thus seriously circumscribed. If the CUP were unable to deliver promptly on its promises, due to the serious institutional and political obstacles, the ARF would be unable to give much slack before breaking off relations.

ARF-CUP Relations

For the first 18 months after the Constitutional Revolution, the Western Bureau’s relations with the CUP were irregular due to internal problems within the CUP. The relationship and communications started to become more regular at the beginning of 1910 when a “Joint Body” was formed. It was composed of three ARF members and three CUP members.

A critical component of the relations between the parties was correcting the many false reports and rumors that were circulating. In order to foster support of the constitution and constitutional regime, it was also important to send fieldworkers into the provinces to extol the virtues of a constitutional regime and to counsel patience for improvements. From the beginning, the ARF stressed the need for joint ARF-CUP delegations, as they would demonstrate to Turks and Armenians that the constitution would not benefit any one ethnic group to the exclusion of others.

The Western Bureau felt obliged to take action as for more than a year their numerous protests and demands had remained unanswered and the condition of the provinces had gradually worsened. On March 20, 1910, they sent Harutiun Shahrigian and Arshag Vramian to Salonika with official documents to meet with the CUP Central Committee members. The most important subjects were the lands issue, the security of the Armenians, and the educational issue. Their reception was very cordial. The Central Committee tried in every way to convince the Bureau representatives that the CUP’s policy had not changed toward the ARF. They emphasized that they knew that the Armenians had stood by the constitution and loyally supported it. The Bureau deemed the results of the Salonika meeting to have been satisfactory.

In July, the Western Bureau reported that their relationship with the CUP had become closer and friendlier. The unrest in the interior had brought home to the CUP the need to have the backing of a trustworthy organization like the ARF.Also, the appointment of

Talaat and Cavid Beys to the cabinet created a steadier channel for communication and improved relations between the parties.

Yet, in reporting on two years of relations with the CUP, the Western Bureau stated that despite its best efforts, the Joint Body meetings did not convene regularly; sometimes months would pass without a meeting. From its formation until mid-1911, only 16 meetings were held. Among the reasons cited were the frequent crises within the CUP or in their ministries, their inexperience and inefficiency, and their discomfort at having to admit their inability to accomplish the objectives agreed upon with the ARF. Outside of the formal meetings, however, there were a number of encounters with individual ministers or CUP leaders that were productive.

The Deterioration of Relations with the CUP

The ARF-CUP joint body met in February 1911. They had a heated discussion regarding events and conditions in the provinces. The CUP representatives had to admit that their party was not a strong presence in the interior.

The Western Bureau later had a joint meeting with the Armenian parliamentary deputies. They concluded that: the government had not shown good will towards the Armenians, protests had been growing stronger in the provinces, local government employees were still biased against Armenians, and the government had not made any strong and serious effort to change these conditions. On this basis, the meeting decided to again send

Vramian and Shahrigian to Salonika to present the lands, security, and educational problems faced by the Armenians to the CUP and to demand satisfaction. The Bureau stated that they would determine their position towards the CUP based on its response to the ARF demands. Vramian and Shahrigian met with the CUP Central Committee and reported that they had received satisfactory responses to their demands. The lands issue was the top ARF priority and the CUP agreed that it would be resolved administratively and not sent to parliament. On security issues, they agreed to try to send trouble-making beys out of the country to prevent the nomads from doing further damage.

The joint body met in Constantinople in April. The Bureau decided to postpone other issues and concentrate only on the lands and security issues at the meeting. At the meeting, the CUP agreed to take steps to control persecution, although it would have to be done over time. To do this, it was agreed to have the government arm all villages, Armenian and Kurdish. This would allow the villagers to defend themselves against nomadic Kurds.

On April 24, the Western Bureau met with Talaat, Haji Adil, and Midhat Beys. They discussed the promises made at the Salonika meeting. The CUP representatives explained that they were in a weak position and would be unable to push for any reforms for the present. They proposed to have their deputies introduce the issues in parliament and they had already passed on copies of the accord articles to the deputies.

In June, it was noted that the Armenian deputies would soon be presenting a written application detailing their specific demands to the Interior Ministry and that the Western Bureau would present the same to the CUP. The response to these demands would help determine the position of the Bureau towards the government until the ARF World Congress.

These were the circumstances when the ARF Sixth World Congress convened in Constantinople in the summer of 1911. The main agenda item was the question of cooperation with the CUP. Despite ratifying the past actions concerning cooperation, the meeting was extremely critical of the CUP’s duplicity and failure to live up to its promises. After evaluating the prospects and dangers of continued cooperation, the World

Congress passed a resolution that stated: “. . . in the three years of constitutional rule the government’s policies not only haven’t created an improved life. . . but they have generally given way to creating distrust between peoples and the denial of national rights. The CUP, rather than progressively eliminating the land privileges of the feudal classes left over from the Middle Ages, has encouraged those elements. . . The CUP has gradually withdrawn from constitutional and democratic principles. The CUP has failed to take steps to combat and cleanse itself of right-wing elements. . .” The resolution directed the Western Bureau to send the CUP a description of the anarchy in the Armenian provinces and an ultimatum that if action wasn’t taken by a set deadline, they would end cooperation between the parties.

The 1912 Elections and the End of Cooperation with the CUP

The lack of progress in land reform and improved conditions for Armenians, and the ascendancy of reactionary elements within and without the CUP, had brought ARF-CUP cooperation almost to the breaking point. Early 1912 would bring an immediate test of this cooperation in the form of parliamentary elections. In the run up to the elections, the CUP leadership felt it had to strengthen the cabinet, and its own position in it. Therefore three CUP members were added to the cabinet: Haji Adil as Interior Minister, Talaat as Minister of Posts and Telegraphs, and Cavid as Minister of Public Works.

The agreement between the CUP and Western Bureau was that Armenian candidates would be put forward in all locations where the Armenian population comprised a significant percentage. In planning for an Armenian bloc in parliament, the Eastern Bureau was counting not only those seats conceded to them by the CUP, but also those Armenians who had joined the CUP.

Negotiations continued with the CUP agreeing upon 13 Armenian deputies, to that point, and which districts they would be elected from. Negotiations continued regarding the other 10 seats. However, they found that the local CUP was trying to renege on its promises of Armenian representation for a number of locations including Erzingan,

Diyarbekir, Kharpert, and Marash. The Western Bureau’s relations with the CUP deteriorated greatly as the electoral machinations continued. The Bureau had concentrated on reaching an agreement on improvements in conditions for Armenians before they began negotiations specifically on parliamentary representation, as the former was such an urgent issue. The CUP did not deal honestly with the ARF, particularly when they improperly decreased the number of Armenian deputies to be elected. Even more important to the ARF, they complied with almost none of the demands contained in the accord they had signed with the ARF two and a half months before the elections.

As a result, the Bureau presented an ultimatum to the CUP that provided a final chance to implement the accord conditions including: forming a committee to oversee accord implementation, creating Armenian and Kurdish village guards in Van and Bitlis provinces, ensuring the right of return with a government subsidy for Armenian refugees, recruiting 200 Armenian soldiers for each Armenian province to serve as gendarmes, and appropriating promised government funds for Armenian schools.

If the CUP failed to order these administrative changes within 15 days, the ARF would end cooperation, consistent with the decision of the Sixth World Congress. The Eastern Bureau disagreed with the Western Bureau’s condemnations of the CUP. They called for the Bureau to keep perspective on the fact that the CUP signing of the preliminary agreement before the election did not mean that all its points would be immediately executed.

The Eastern Bureau argued that even though the World Congress had authorized the Western Bureau to break relations, it was premature to do so. There had been changes in conditions and the elections and other political complexities had not been anticipated by the congress. They felt that the ARF should wait a little longer for the CUP to regroup its strength and thus have a chance to execute the ARF demands.

On July 15, 1912, Said Pasha’s cabinet won a vote of confidence; yet two days later, it fell. The Western Bureau saw that they were in a no-win situation. In spite of the CUP’s deceptions, manipulations, false promises, and delays in reforms, they were still the only party that the ARF could negotiate with. The Bureau saw the CUP as a lesser evil when compared to their opponents, and for that reason ended its press criticism of them. It was important to jolt them into awareness but a complete disintegration of interrelations would be bad for the Armenians.

During the second week of August, the bureaus announced in “Azadamard” in Constantinople and in “Haratch” in Erzerum that they had broken off relations with the CUP. Further they stated that they would maintain a position of neutrality during the conflict between the Turkish parties in the parliament.

The outbreak of the First Balkan War and the party’s break with the CUP increased the danger to the Armenian population. Thus, Rosdom and Mourad [of Sepastia] went to Constantinople to meet with Simon Zavarian, the only agenda item of their meeting being how to arm themselves and protect the people. In the course of the meeting, they determined that to reestablish the self defense structure was going to require years, money, resources, and leadership, none of which was currently available.

During 1913, the ARF and the Patriarchate worked together to gain the support of the European powers for an effective reform plan for the Armenian provinces. With German support, the Ottomans succeeded in delaying the appointment of two European inspectors general until the eve of World War I.

The ARF Eighth World Congress and the Approach of War

The ARF World Congress was held in Erzerum in August 1914. A committee of nine was formed to stay and while they were meeting, Dr. Behaeddin Shakir and Naji Bey arrived as representatives of the CUP and the government. They met for three days and asked what the ARF stance would be if Russia invaded the Ottoman Empire. The ARF representatives responded that the party would obviously defend the sovereignty of the Ottoman Empire.

After lengthy discussions, the CUP representatives disclosed that the government had decided to take advantage of what they hoped would be the German defeat of France and Russia to take care of their own unfinished business to recover lost lands. Further, should the Russians be completely defeated, they would advance to the Caucasus to either conquer or incite a revolution. The Armenians were a key to success, because they believed that the ARF had the power and ability to persuade the Russian Armenians to remain loyal to the Russian government until a critical juncture at which time they would shift their allegiance to the Turks. The government had no interest in occupying the Caucasus, but merely wanted to pull it out of Russia’s orbit and then give it autonomy.

The ARF representatives responded that Russian Armenians no longer had the enthusiasm for Ottoman constitutional rule they had had from 1908–10. The errors made by the government and CUP in regards to Ottoman Armenians would give Russian Armenians no confidence that support for the Ottoman government would improve conditions for their compatriots across the border.

In Constantinople, Talaat expressed his disappointment in the party’s stance to ARF parliamentarian Armen Garo. The Bureau called a consultative meeting with its key members as well as Krikor Zohrab. The meeting was divided between those who expected a speedy Russian victory over the Ottoman armies and those who feared a lengthy campaign fought largely in Armenian- populated lands. In either case, volunteer units had to be ready to defend the Armenian population if massacres began, while somehow not appearing to be a fifth column and thus providing a pretext for such massacres. This was the tightrope the ARF had to walk as the guns of war approached.

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The Armenian Weekly, April 2009 Magazine

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Compliments and Comments by Sukru Server Aya

For restricted posting by armenians-1915.blogspot.com only

a- The article brings new detailed knowledge on the CUP - ARF cooperation, which I would like to quote in my new book with relative references.

b- Garekin Pastermadjian gave even a better picture regarding the CUP offer to ARF in August 1914, at the 8th Congress in Erzerum. (Why Armenia .. Free)

c- The article should have mentioned that the protocol for actioning Autonomy was finally signed in Early February between Russia and Ottoman Empire and that the "agreed Inspector Generals" (Westenek and Hoff) came to Istanbul to go to Van and Erzerum, but the project was annled at the last minute when WW1 was to start for surei.(Morgenthau refers to his talks with Westenek). Apparently ARF (after consulting Federation in Tiblisi who asked Russia, France and Britain) missed a very unique and important chance offered to them under Germany's guarantee. This historical fact is a ENOUGH evidence, that Ottomans never had any plans to hurt Armenians, when they needed and depended on their cooperation, based on several previous contacts and agreements.

d- As a contribution to the cause of "what was lost when ARF turned down CUP" I attach an English Translation of the "Draft of Organic Organization" in the Automous Inspectorates, which is self explanatory. This document was found in the British Library as per given reference, and I do not have other details about any other similar documents or regulations. This annex (with your knowledge) will be added at the bottom of above article, in my new book chapter.

Kind regards
S S Aya

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